Ganpatyaar, Habba Kadal, Srinagar Shiva shrine of Vardhamanesa near Malyar linked to King Sandhimat [5th century A.D.] mentioned in Kalhana’s Rajatanrangini [12th century] and later Vitastamahatmya.
During Maharaja Gulab Singh’s rule Dogra Wazir Pannu in 1854 AD builds modern Ganpatyaar temple at the ancient site.
Ganeshal. Kulgam. Elm Trees [“Brân” in Kashmiri] worshipped as Ganesha. Worship of Bran in rural Kashmir was common and there were many such sites. The practice links nature and fertility mother worship which predates the form of Ganesha we now see
Ancient site of Bhimasvamin with Swayambhu (self-manifested) Ganesha at the foot of Hari Parbat. Kalhana in Rajatanrangini [12th century] mentions it in context of Pravarasena laying the foundation of Srinagar, [c.530–590, Late 6th century].
A Radha singing a love song in Kashmiri for Krishna. Relies on a lot of existing motifs in Kashmiri poetry. I couldn’t find the name of the original writer, but assume the writer is Prem Nath Shad as word “Shad” is mentioned at the end. This is a fresh composition by Kartik.
In Aga Khan archive there are about 1000+ Kashmir photographs by Prataap Patrose and Rita Sampat, dated to 1983. I went through them looking for KP culture. Idea was to see how the community remembers. Shared them on FB and curated comments. Sharpness of memory was surprising. People, places, even things were identified.
Comment by Vinod Razdan: [Location]Ganpatyar , the small dilapidated house was occupied by Ram Ji , Kashmiri Hindu Baker . The person on the window is late Gopi Nath Raina . The photograph must have been surely taken from the house of Late R C Pandita. [ His family was able to identify]
[Location: Badiyaar bala] Subject name: Krishan Joo Shah [Bai Lal] of Nai Sarak. His family was able to identify.Comment by Meetu Koul: This is Chandra’s house in Ganpatyar and the side of our house is also seen.These houses are in the lane opposite to the Ganpatyar mandir.And this lane leads to the kralkhud area. And the girl visible in the photo is one of their daughters.
Comment by Ramesh Sapru identifying the exact place: Safriyar HABBA KADAL Behind somyar temple
Comment by Shiban Sapru: Name of this pandit is late Ramji, the pujari of Purshyar temple
Comment by Vinod Razdan: This is Habbakadal Chowk after the front line Pandit houses were demolished to widen the road .This photograph seems to be having a commonality with one of the photographs you shared recently. [Girls are in Vishwa Bharti Uniform]
Habba Kadal
Comment by Vinod Razdan: Kharyar , near Kralkhod. At the end , it is the building where Sangeet Niketan was functioning.I know this place brick by brick ; On right hand is the Cycle repair shop who used to repair kerosene stoves too and is below the house of Sahibs . Next shop was a meat shop and the owner was Mohd Akbar . Opposite to them ( to the left of Scooterist ) was the shop of Pandit Janki Nath Koul and popularly known in the city as ” Jaan Military “
Vinod Razdan: This is also Ganesh Ghat, Ganpatyar. On the right side of the Ghat is Ganpatyar Temple Building , upstairs in front and across the road is the house of Braroo’ s , the left tall house is that of Prof.Late R C Pandita and behind it is the house of Nadir’s. [Ower Pandita family was able to identify the house]
Sanjay Raina: This was also the main tempo stand and later a matador stand as the tempo’s faded. The road ahead leading to bhan mohalla onwards to Zaiba kadal, Nawa kadal etc. Many a political speeches were made from this open chowk and I recall 1983 being the election year when Farooq Abdullah sought votes after the demise of his father . He made an infamous remark – oh battas, if you don’t vote for me, I will throw you all in the Dal lake. I was there and heard it! Terrifying.
General Elections for national assembly were coming. Message on banner: Jazba hubul watni aur kashmiriyat se sarshaar abdul rashid kabuli national conference ka parlimani umeed waar hai
Zaina Kadal
Flags: Awami Action Committee of Mirwaiz + red plough of NC. This election Mirwaiz and Shiekh had called truce. These joint flags were put out after that.
Vinod Razdan: This shop was between Kralkhod and Habbakadal near Agahamam lane. Sanjay Raina: Have spent so many of my childhood days on the Kak shops, two of them lined this lane. One Kak sahab had a smaller one and the other was much larger. In the same lane were shops selling wool that would be thronged just before the winter season would set in and also shops selling crystallized sugar and ‘sheeren’
Vinod Razdan: This is at the intersection of Badiyar Bala road and Nai Sarak just near the house of Ghulam Mohd Bhat , popularly known as Gul Raidd . He was initially a traditional rival of Tikka Lal Taploo and was contesting as Independent candidate & later joined NC.
Vinod Razdan: I was just waiting to find that someone will identify this place .In fact this lane was a connecting lane between the two lanes : one Leading to Ganpatyar and another terminating through the milk Shop owned by ” Freich Dedd” .Both lanes led to Nai Sarakon the other end.The projected link between the two houses ( Dabb) is near the house of Prof.M L Wangoo , back side of the houses were those of Vijay Garyali , Sumbli’s etc.
Vinod Razdan: These houses have contributed to the cultural and Religious aspects of the valley besides Education.The person clad in a white Dhoti was a retired Head Master in the Education Deptt .Mr Raina .Though he lived nearby Malyar but he has been caught in the picture . These houses are inside the Mohalla of Ganpatyar .The houses just facing the lane are in fact a cluster of houses owned by Kalla Parivar as there were three more houses behind these two houses owned by them ( Cousins ) .The front one was owned by Late Sh Nand Lal Kalla who was Mannager in Neelam Cinema , Shutra Shahi. The adjacent tall house was of Prof B L Kalla whose Son Sh Siddarth Kalla has been an Engineer in Doordarshan.Father of Prof B L Kalla was Sh Nath Ram Kalla Shastry whose books are still refered by Almanac Publishers of Kashmiri Pandits.The house on right side whose plaster has come off on the outer wall in the picture is that of Late Hira Lal Jattu and the house just opposite to it in the picture is that of late Smt Dhanwati ( she was then a widow ) .The house of Prof Kalla was later purchased by Sh N N Mattoo ( father of Dr Tej Mattoo, a Child Specialist ) who again sold it to a family who came from outside this mohalla and set up a shop in Ganpatyar
Raghunath Temple. Srinagar. 1983.
left: from a postcard by Lambert. Personal collection.
Surindar Koul: This is Sheshyar temple (Habba kadal). The house on right belonged to KP family ‘Channas’ .The house on left belonged to Pt. Nath ji Photographer ( Pioneer studios, Bana mohalla) Vinod Razdan: These Channas had a medical shop at Ganpatyar in Sixties .Perhaps ” Tarak Halwai ” was also nearby. Vijay Vaishnavi: my mother was regular visitor to this temple. We lived near Srikant medical shop near Ogras. Sanjay Raina: Pioneer studios was legendary. Their shop in Banamohalla as well as a shop in Pahalgam. Ashok ji, my real uncle used to run the Pahalgam outlet. What a memorable time that was.A reader shared a photograph from 2021. The houses that have new owners are freshly painted.
Guest post by Akhshar Koul, B.A. (Hons) in Archaeology from Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda.
INTRODUCTION
The first time visitor to Kashmir will really and surely be surprised to find almost every Kashmiri in the countryside carrying a fire-pot filled with burning charcoal in their hands under a long, baggy rug covering their entire bodies called the ‘Pheran’. It may sound strange to anyone and at the same time anybody living outside Kashmir would be awestruck who has no idea about Kangir, its use and its importance in winters. This ancient portable heat source is a fascination for others but necessity for a common Kashmiri.
Cultures in every part of world are, to a large extent, determined by geography and the climatic conditions of that part, among myriad other factors. It is these culturally important things, which are peculiar and unique to every geographical area that give identity to the nations or ethnicities of the world. Kashmiri Kangir is one of the cultural assets which has given identity and ethnicity to Kashmir.
Kangir – A Traditional Fire-pot of Kashmir is a unique cultural asset of the people of the valley used to beat away the freezing temperature in winters lasting usually for more than five months. It attains more significance over other modern or ancient heating appliances for being mobile, portable, affordable and durable. It is a common site in entire Kashmir valley, especially in rural areas to find people irrespective of their age, gender, economic status, moving through the streets with fire in their lap in the form of Kangir. To stave of the cold, there is no alternative to Kangir as the raw material used in its production and artisans are readily available in abundance as against other resources like electricity and LPG heaters which remains almost unavailable during the winter season.
Among the world’s most unique traditions, which are still in vogue as much as they were on the day of their first use, is the Kashmiri Kangir. Kangir is culturally specific to Kashmiris who have been using it since ages. In simple language we can say a common Kashmiri is incomplete without Kangir especially during the chilling months of winter. One of the prominent Sufi poet, Nund-e-Reush (Reshi) from Kashmir has said:
“Wandi Hamam tê Rekalé gaaw
Suai mali dunyahas aaw”
(Who has warm chambers for the winter and milk to drink
in summer and get dung to burn in winter is the most prepared one).
Kangir has been an integral part of Kashmiri people culturally as well as socially. Besides being a utility, it is an ornament to a common Kashmiri. We can relate Kangir of a common Kashmiri to the cultural or folkloric way of fighting cold.
The Kashmiri proverb “What Laila was to Majnu, so is the Kangir to a Kashmiri”. Such is the intimacy between the Kashmiri and his Kangir. This intimacy has been well illustrated by the writers, poets and thinkers of Kashmir in their literary works. The same intense relationship between Kangir and the natives of the valley has been well highlighted in a famous local poem:
“Mann me zolum lolle naaren,
Tan me zejim Kangre.
Waare warey pray khejim,
Maye lejim Kangre.”
(My inner soul is burnt by the eternal love,
And my body skin by the Kangir.
Steadily, it made me so sluggish as in incubation,
So much intimate is my Kangir.)
Generally Kashmir markets are flooded with Kangiris during the winter season mostly from the month of November up to April but the use of Kangir can be witnessed from ending September in the areas of higher altitudes such as Gulmarg, Sonmarg, Daksum etc. The tribal people living in the foothills of middle and lesser Himalayas and Pir Panjal Ranges keep Kangir with them almost throughout the year. Such people experience a very hard life but they easily and readily manage the Kangiri fuel in the wild. In fact these are the people which supply most of the coal to urban markets and earn their livelihood.
Map showing the study area (Courtesy: Google)
HISTORY AND USAGE
Wicker work, pottery and Kangir weaving art has been prevalent in Kashmir since generations. There are hardly any written manuscripts to date back its history. However there are so many indirect evidences which point towards the fact that Kangir has been there from hundreds of years back. Since Kani and Kondal are indispensable parts of Kangir, these crafts are again believed to be residing in Kashmir from hundreds of years too. When did Kashmiris started to make use of Kangir? I asked this to an artisan, Mohd. Akram Shah (Akram Kaniyul) from Tral, Pulwama in an interview. According to him, Kashmiris in the ancient times used to go to Punjab to escape the harshness of winters and do some work there to earn their livelihood. Hardly anyone would stay back in Kashmir. Amid such winter migrations some ordinary Kashmiris in a particular winter did not migrate. They decided to steeve away the cold by keeping embers filled in earthen pots without any wicker usage, which is marked as the beginning of Kangir in Kashmir. When their fellows returned back they were sure to find the non-migrant Kashmiris dead due to extreme cold. But to their surprise they saw them well and healthy and were awestruck. These people were shown the discovery which was really an innovation. Kangir certainly has evolved. It would not have been the same thing as we see it now. The artisan further said, “Well! Even the earthen pot was not baked outright. It too evolved. First the man, who said ‘no’ to migration got the pot made up of mud and dried it, filled it with embers, but it not resist the temperature and ripped apart. It was only then he got the idea of baking the pot in fire so as to make it resistant. This baked pot was called ‘Mannen’. Since Mannen was a difficult thing to carry for it would get hot and was sure to bruise the hands or the body. It were the twigs from the mulberry tree from which the people used to encase the Mannen. It was a pot in the basket like thing”.
Some historians believe that Kangiris have come to Kashmir from Italy as Italian artisans visited Kashmir during Mughal period in summers. In Italy (where a similar device was known as ‘Scaladins’) and Spain, braziers were made in a great variety of shapes and were profusely ornamented. The same historians relate these braziers to the Kashmiri Kangir. Most of the historical data, however, do not support the view point that Kangir came from Italy. There are varied viewpoints regarding the origin of Kangir in Kashmir. Some attribute it to the invention of Zain-ul-Abadin (Badh Shah) and some others relate it to Mughal Emperor Akbar.
Marc Aurel Stein an Hungarian-British archaeologist, who translated Kalhana’s Rajtarangni (River of Kings) in English, refers to a situation in volume-1 of his a fore mentioned book, “Brahmans had assembled in Gokula to decide on who should be raised to the throne in Utpalas dynasty. They had come in coarse woolen clothes with beards scorched by smoke”. He further comments that the burn marks on Brahmins’ beards were evidently left by Kangir or brazier which has been in general use since earlier times.
M.A. Stein, opined that the name Kangir has been derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Kasthangari’ (Kash-wood, Anjarika-fire embers).
Maharaja Pratap Singh (1885-1925) is believed to be the architect of modern wicker art. It was he who established the first ever wicker craft training center in Srinagar in 1914 with Mr. Andrew as its first principal who belonged to England. Mr. Andrew introduced, for the first time, the English Salix in Srinagar. He planted the English Salix trees around Bagh-e-Ali Mardan Khan marshes. Such dwarf trees exclusively yielded the Salix wicker (Vir Kani). This training center imparted wicker weaving training to many local craftsman which were called ‘Shakhsaaz’.
Oral traditions have transcended from generation to generation defining the use of Kangir from the times immemorial. The same tradition is being followed by the current generations with slightest or no alterations at the artisan level. Common Kashmiris have been using Kangir in the winter months starting from November up to April and more so during the chilling months of December and January (the period of 40 sever cold days locally called ‘Chillai Kalan’ starts from 22nd December). Usually and traditionally Kangir filled with burning charcoal (ember) is used under long baggy costume called ‘Pheran’, but nowadays it is used otherwise also under the blankets, shawls etc. Kangir being a portable heat source is also carried to the work places by the people. Generally, children and aged people are disallowed to carry Kangir outside their homes. While sitting, its use is safer compared to its use during sleep or moving outside. During the local scuffle, Kangir can prove to be a devastating weapon if thrown upon the opposite person or party. Such incidents do not very often occur but do have a rare incidence.
There have been attempts to alter the very basic structure of Kangir to make it a modernized equipment in homes and offices but the essence of Kangir could not be changed. The Kangir has always remained in its basic ancient shape with slightest modifications. In fact the local people of Kashmir prefer Kangir over all other modern appliances for the issues like expensiveness, less-availability of electricity, LPG, etc.
A Kashmiri peasant holding Kangri. 1912 from ‘Beyond the Pir Panjal life and missionary enterprise in Kashmir’ by Ernest F. Neve (1914, first published in 1912). SearchKashmir Archive
Art and Crafts Jammu and Kashmir Land People Culture by D.N. Saraf’ (1987). SearchKashmir archive.
The fuel for the Kangir, usually charcoal, is locally prepared by the people in rural areas and is supplied on relatively cheaper rates to the urban population that is again the obvious reason for a common Kashmiri to use Kangir as a general source of heat to beat the cold.
There are so many forms of coal available in the market for its use in Kangir. The user, according to the requirement chooses the quality of coal (the forms vary in size, weight, hardness etc. which directly effects its heating property) and purchases it in bulk so as to store it for the longer period of precipitation and cold.
It is a common site in Kashmir that elderly ladies loading the Kondals of Kangiris with charcoal early at the dawn and burning its upper layer by hot burnt ash, burning cardboard, saw dust or simply the burnt straw. For hard coal (which is more durable and long lasting) one needs to blow more air for its ignition which is mostly provided by mouth or hand fans. It takes about half an hour daily to prepare a Kangir and usually 3-4 Kangiris are prepared on daily basis in a family. Usually a well prepared Kangir lasts for 16-18 hours with a moderate to intense heat. When more heat is needed, the stirrer or spindle (Czalan) is used to scatter the ash and bring up the burning ember below it. In rural areas people roast pieces of meat by sticking it to the inner surface of the Kondal. The entire small sized potatoes and eggs are also roasted in the Kangir which have a unique taste different from the boiled ones.
When a Kangir its use has to be put off, a heavy round and flattened (discoid) stone is pressed upon the burning charcoal and rested there for an hour or so. This is usually done late night after its full day usage. Before preparing the Kangir next day, the left over ash and the unburnt coal at the bottom of the Kondal are discarded and fresh coal is filled in. The unburnt coal is seldom mixed with the fresh coal usually during the dearth of fuel.
The fully exhausted coal, turned into ash after discarding it is still not a waste product. It is used in kitchen gardens to cover the top soil to make it soft so that the seeds germinate efficiently and the seed viability is increased. It also increases the soil fertility and the essential nutrients of soil are continuously replenished preventing the soil nutrient deficiency for its constant use.
RAW MATERIALS AND CRAFT PRODUCTION
The Kangir is essentially made up two parts viz. earthen oval pot and the wicker case. Both these parts have local origin and are not imported from elsewhere. A craftsman needs very little but unique tools including ‘Aend’, ‘Aear’ and ‘Zelan’. The Aend is a curved and sharp edged tool meant for cutting the wicker. Aear is a pointed metal rod like tool with a wooden handle meant for making the passage for wicker through the wicker network. The Zelan is a locally made wicker peeling device which again has sharp edges.
Tools used in Kangir weaving
The earthen oval pot natively known as ‘Kondal’ is a wide mouthed earthen pot made locally by potters from fine clay and has a rounded bottom with a flat base. It is prepared by the potters exclusively for the preparation of Kangir.
Fig.5. Kondal used in Kangir
The wicker case with 2 arms and a wide base is made out of different type of soft twigs generally obtained from the shrubs growing in the wild in the countryside distributed almost althrough the valley. These soft twigs are called ‘Kani/Kane’ in the native language. The most common soft twigs (wicker) or Kani include ‘Posh-Kani’ (short and white in colour), ‘Linn-Kani’, ‘Ketzch Kani’ (dull brown in colour), ‘Viri-Kani’, ‘Geir Kani’, ‘Pakhir Kani’, ‘Puhir Kani’, ‘Fras Kani’, ‘Krele Kani’, ‘Dael Kani’ (6 ft. long and white in colour), ‘Rang Kani’ (coloured) etc. The people associated with this craft have to go miles together in the wild in search of fine and desirable wicker according to the suitability of the type of Kangir they intend to make. The wicker brought from the wild needs to be processed before its proper use. To increase the elasticity of the wicker, it is kept for days together under water which not only makes it softer but also enables the craftsman to remove their bark (peeling) easily. After this the wicker is sorted and graded according to the length and girth of twigs and the ones which are not straight are rejected. The fine, soft and peeled wicker is then sun-dried for several days and some are dyed in different colors. For weaving a Kangir the artisans need both peeled as well as unpeeled wicker for its different formations. The bushes from which the wicker is obtained are shrubby plants from which generally two harvests of wicker (Kani) are made annually. One harvest in ending May to the middle of June yields comparatively softer material and the one harvested at the end of September yields the hard wicker.
Softening the wicker by dipping it in water
There are two different phases for the production of Kangir involving the people from two different fields of art. One is pottery and other is wicker craft. For a potter to make a ‘Kondal’ the fine clay has to be well worked upon and well prepared to be given the proper shape upon the traditional wheel. It is then kiln-dried before sending them to the wicker workers.
The wicker encasing upon the ‘Kondal’ makes a complete Kangir which is the domain of wicker craftsman. They get the Kondals from the potters and start weaving the network of ‘Kani’ to cover the whole ‘Kondal’. Initially the base is woven which is called ‘Czhok’ on which rests the ‘Kondal’. From the base thick wicker are woven vertically upwards keeping regular distances in between like pillars in buildings. These upright thick wickers vary in number from ten to twenty-four depending upon the type and the durability of the Kangir. The basic number is usually ten and such Kangir is called ‘10-Puheir’ (Deh-Puheir) Kangir. Accordingly 12, 14 or 24 upright twigs used give rise to ‘Bah-Puhier’, ‘Czodha-Puhier’, ‘Czowuh-Puhier’ respectively.
The fine network of more soft and thin twigs is interwoven around these vertical twigs from the base (Czhok) upwards. The artisans use different colored twigs for different turns of weaving one upon another. The wicker interweaving around the vertical twigs from the base up to the mouth of the Kondal is a repetitive process and a fine art which is restricted to the fine hands of the Kangiri artisans. From the base up to the mouth of earthen pot, the whole wickerwork along with the Kondal is called ‘Dhad’ (Body of the Kangir).
Craftsman at work
From the mouth of the Kondal upwards, the vertical wickers give rise to the upper part of the Kangir called ‘Koup’. All the upright twigs do not form the ‘Koup’, only the ones at the designated backside contribute in the formation of the ‘Koup’. The others are cut or bent down towards the inner side in between the Kondal and the wicker encasement. The Koup is again a network of twigs, generally vertical which comprises of two handles for the hand grip tied together by a knot.
(Gand or Koup Gand) at its apex using very soft wicker twigs. From the back side all the vertical twigs are joined in threes or fours to the twin handle. At the point of junction there is a wicker ring (Kourr) at the back just below the knot to hang the ‘Czalan’, the spindle/stirrer usually made of wood (occasionally made up of metal) tied by the help of a string.
The ‘Dhad’ and the ‘Koup’ together make a Kangir. In rural areas, some poor families use only the ‘Kondal’ in place of Kangir with certain alteration. Such Kondal without any wickerwork having the handles is called ‘Mannen’.
Sketch showing the parts of Kangir
Since the basic structure of the Kangir is same everywhere in Kashmir but slight to large variations are witnessed in the makeup of Kangir at different places. Apart from spatial variations there are certain other variants of Kangir which the artisans make keeping the social and economic status and the tastes of the buyer in mind. Some well-known variants of Kangir on the basis of spatial variations are:
Bandpur Kangir
Tchrar Kangir
Trale Kangir
Herpur Kangir
Zeingir Kangir
Variants of Kangir on the basis of its structural ornamentations include:
Dabedar Kangir
Dooredar Kangir
Pachhdar Kangir
Zaeildar Kangir
Cheshedar Kangir
Mahrin Kangir
Wudd/Isband Kangir
Shishar Kangir
Tapan Kangir
Dali Kangir
Roinni Kangir
On the basis of types wicker twigs used, the Kangir can be identified as:
Posh Kangir
Linn Kangir
Kzetch Kangir
Vir Kangir
Mannen (without wicker encasement)
The distinctive qualities of Kangir vary with its different types keeping the basic essence intact. An artisan from Tchrar-e-Sharif, Ali Mohd. Dar (Ali Kaniyul) has been weaving Kangir since last 40 years with the distinction of having great expertise for the renowned ‘Tchrar Kangir’. He owes his efficiency of art to better deeds of his forefathers and relates it to the divinity. According to him and the other such workers of the area, the Kangir weaving art especially that of Tchrar Kangir is the blessing of ‘Nund Rishi’ the famous Sufi saint of Kashmir.
Mahrin Kangir
Pachhdar Kangir
Trale Kangir
Tchrar Kangir
Bandpur Kangir
Shupien Kangir
MARKETING AND CRAFTS CONDITIONS
It becomes a more cherishable virtue when any invention of great importance has a native origin and local use. Initially Kangir was only a necessity but now it has attained the status of a big venture which not only serves its primary purpose but also has a great economic impact on a large set of population who are wholly or partially associated upon this craft.
At the beginning of the season, when the slight cold begins to start, the Kangir shows its presence in the markets and with every passing day high heaps of Kangiris get continuously sold with a great demand. The artisans have to be well prepared before the onset of cold to meet the demands of the market. The full time artisans spend almost all the time throughout the year in collecting wicker, drying, processing and manufacturing the final product for being totally dependent upon this art for their livelihood.
Variety of Kangiris on display
With the betterment in the general economic condition of the masses owing to various governmental and non-governmental schemes, the artisans too have been able to upgrade their conditions as the affordability of the common consumers according to their tastes has exponentially increased. Some families have sustained their livelihood since decades solely on the wicker art by getting the raw materials themselves and then processing it and manufacturing the product on their own. They have turned the confined art into an industry and have made it an economic venture with very little investment. Such artisans have been able to change their economic status by getting better marketing facilities in urban areas which was otherwise confined to the rural habitations only. The road connectivity has contributed a lot in shaping the future of these artisans and the art itself. Kangir art is not confined to wicker artisans only but it has attained a multifaceted status in the manufacturing sector as it has directly affected the financial conditions of so many allied workers like potters, laborers, transporters, wholesale dealers and the retail sellers. Indirectly the Kangir art has also benefited the economic conditions of both local as well as non-local charcoal suppliers as with the increased demand of Kangir, the demand of charcoal is also increased.
The important constituent of Kangir, the Kondal (the earthen pot) meant for keeping the burnt charcoal is being supplied by the potters which has made it convenient to keep their art still prevalent in the valley, otherwise the pottery art would have been extinct by now. Not only has the Kangir art influenced the potters economically but also has been able to preserve this rare and cultural asset (pottery) of Kashmir till date.
With the passage of time, where the actual manufacturing cost of Kangir has almost doubled; its demand and market price has increased many fold, positively influencing the artisans’ economy and livelihood.
The market price of Kangir varies from place to place depending upon its type and durability. For a common man, a better Kangir is the one with better wicker and a big broad Kondal to last long and harbor more charcoal. There are some others who love to buy more ornamented Kangiris compromising the durability. The people with the trade, knowing such tastes of the customers fluctuate the price of the Kangir. Such price fluctuations are again under the control of changing climates and general local weather conditions. A simple, moderately durable Kangir is within the purchasing capacity of a common man and ranges between ₹100 and 250. Some Kangiris such as ‘Mahrin Kangir’, used in wedding occasions are more expensive for their beautiful ornamentation and better looks and range from ₹800 to 2000.
Kangiri seller in Batmaloo, Srinagar
With the industrial revolution and the advancement in technology the lifestyle of the common masses changed in such a way that the life of the people living even in remote villages became comfortable to live. New gadgets replaced the traditional equipment and many such traditional things became irrelevant and obsolete. There are number of heating appliances being used by the people world-over and Kashmir is no exception. Electric heaters, gas heaters, hot air blowers, central heating systems etc. are being used in common households across the valley. Despite all this the use of Kangir has not diminished in any way. In fact the manufacturing of Kangiris has manifold increased with the passage of time because none of the modern heating appliances could replace this traditional source of heat for its various virtues which the modern appliances usually lack e.g., its portability, affordability, convince of use, non-dependence on electricity etc. The scarcity of water in winter vis-à-vis the less availability of electricity makes Kangir more efficient and readily available source of heating.
The wicker art, pottery and overall Kangir manufacturing has not attained an industrial status in the UT of J&K because of the callus approach from all the governments so far. Till now no concrete step has been taken to establish these arts as cottage industries or small scale industries. It has always been an added disadvantages to the already miserable conditions of the artisans depriving them from the opportunities they could have got if any government or any non-governmental organizations would have stood in their favor. This industry could have flourished well and the families associated with this craft would have been benefited directly and their life status and economy would have been upgraded. Presently, this art gets transcended from generation to generation only but once this art is given a status of an industry, it can flourish so well that it will open new employment opportunities and will not remain confined to a few communities. Its area specificity will be reduced with greater involvement of people that will directly have bearing on the economic condition of the people.
RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
Apart from its prime usage, Kangir has a unique cultural and religious importance too. In Kashmir varied faiths of people live together in harmony for having certain common cultural and religious practices wherein the use of Kangir is indispensable. Being one of the important cultural assets, Kangir has attained a high sanctity in most of the cultural festivals celebrated by the people of all faiths.
Hookah has been in use from ancient times in Kashmir and people have been using it irrespective of any religion. The ember of Kangir is being used to burn the wet tobacco using blunt forks (Chumte). Where there is Hookah, there is Kangir as well, as is seen in most of the rural households even during the summers also.
Almost all cultural/social festivals in Kashmir begin with burning of ‘Isband/Vudhe’ (Peganum harmala seeds) similar to lighting of candles in the inaugural functions of events elsewhere. The burning of Isband yields the smoke with a unique aroma having a characteristic fragrance which soothes the mind and soul, believed to repel away the evil and negative energies. Isband is not generally burnt in ordinary ‘Tapan Kangir’ (non-ornamented Kangir used only for heating by the common people) but in special Kangiris; well-ornamented and well decorated called ‘Isband Kangir’ is used for this purpose. Such Kangiris are ordered on demand and costs high. Such practices of burning Isband in specialized Kangiris can be witnessed in common Kashmiri wedding ceremonies irrespective of the religious faiths. The Kashmiri Pandits call it ‘Isband’ and ‘Isband Kangir’ whereas the Kashmir Muslims refer it as ‘Vudhe’ and ‘Vudhe Kangir’.
The religious importance of Kangir is mostly confined to the Kashmiri Pandits who on almost all the occasions use Isband vis-à-vis Kangir. In wedding ceremonies of Pandits, there are many religious events like ‘Devgon’ (the sacred bath and puja before wedding), ‘Lagan’ (the event of marriage with the narration of Vedic hymns) etc. wherein the burning of Isband is mandatory.
Kashmiri Pandit woman burning Isband
Kashmiri Pandits celebrate a festival having both religious and cultural importance known as ‘Shishur’ (the grand invitation to the relatives and friends on Shishur-maas of the first year of the new bride or any new-born in a family). On this occasion a well decorated, colorful Kangir, without coal, having empty Kondal, is kept in front of the bride or the new born in which the invitees are supposed to put money according to their will as a token of love and blessings to the bride in particular and the whole family in general.
On ‘Mekhal/Yagnyopavit’ ceremony (wearing of sacred thread/Janaue with Vedic sermons) of young boys, Kashmiri Pandits again use Isband at its various stages during the entire ceremony.
The Brahmins and Purohits are given Kangir, clothes and other things of use along with the ‘Dakshina’ on almost all the religious occasions. Such things are also offered to the Brahmins on the ‘Kriya Karam’ and death anniversaries.
Burning of Isband in Kangir is also practiced by the people of other religions. Sikhs and Muslims too follow the same tradition on marriages and cultural ceremonies in Kashmir. The use of Isband is also practiced by the people to eradicate the so called evil from the household. It is believed that the evil spirits invading one’s body are swayed away by the aroma of Isband burnt in a Kangir. Such practice is wide spread in the valley.
Muslims also use ‘Vudhe Kangir’ at various occasions like marriage, circumcision, ear piercing of girls etc. Vudhe is burnt at the time of buying cloths for the bride or the groom, at the occasion of starting the ‘Chula’ for preparing the dishes for the wedding ceremony.
‘Mahrin Kangir’, highly ornamented Kangir with pendant rings is given to the bride at the time of her departure from her to the groom’s house as the symbol of care, affection and love. This Kangir is a highly decorated Kangir and generally kept as a memorial for a long period of time. Mahrin Kangir is an expensive Kangir which is prepared only by the expert artisans which needs artistic expertise and great experience. It is not usually available in the market and is ordered months before its actual use.
As a prime cultural aspect every Kashmiri, during winters is found associated with the Kangir all the time with a long cape ‘Pheran’ over it. It is seen as an essential item belonging to every individual from the month of November to April. This period being the idle period, the people of different age groups are seen sitting in separate groups, gossiping about the different issues of social, political, economic and religious importance with soothing warmth of burning ember in their laps during the day time.
The young boys and girls during the harsh winters do remain busy with different type of indoor games that are played while sitting and having Kangir under their Pheran. Such playing groups, cherishing the warmth of Kangir is a very common sight in Kashmir especially in the villages where agricultural practices are totally halted due to sub-zero temperatures in winter.
MEDICAL AND ACCIDENTAL ISSUES
Most of the people in Kashmir better know the perfect use of Kangir and the time duration for using it. Almost every ancient or modern appliance, if operated improperly, can be a bane and Kangir is no exception to it. There are certain medical complications known, caused by the excessive use or imperfect use of Kangir in many people. There is a tolerance limit of skin for the temperature and the direct heat radiations beyond which the skin begins to react unusually giving rise to medical complications including allergies, burns, scars, tanning or some other serious issues.
The duration and intensity of heat plays an important role in causing such skin complications. The Kangir harbours the burning coal and at times emits severe heat beyond ones tolerance and sometimes there is moderate heat but prolonged durations. Both ways the result can be harmful affecting the skin directly, more so in case of people having sensitive skin.
Under prolonged exposers and intense heat the skin, at the points of contact, is adversely affected initiating with the change in skin color from normal to violet and then to red. This is the initial effect which can transform into severe skin burns, damaging the inner layers of the skin and sometimes leading to skin cancer also known as ‘Kangir Cancer’.
Bowen’s disease (Kangir Cancer) (Courtesy: Indian Journal of Dermatology)
As per the medical reports the Kangir-burn cancer is a local disease having a local cause and does not qualify for the general theories of cancer. Usually such burn affected people are locally treated in local hospitals except a very few with extremely severe complications. With the advancement in medical field, there are sufficient facilities in the local hospitals to effectively treat the patients with Kangir-burn cancers by way of surgery as well as medication. Legs, inner thigh muscles or abdomen if exposed to intense and prolonged heat of Kangir may develop the complications of Kangir-burn and skin cancer.
In early times the moderate scars and mild burns were treated locally by applying mustard oil few times a day which usually proved effective in treating such burns. Under extreme situations only the medical aid was sought. Nowadays with the improvement in the economic status, the people have access to better clothing that helps them prevent such complications.
Some more medical complications do result, when low quality of coal is used in the Kangir, emitting harmful fumes. Such fumes are directly inhaled by the user causing bronchial disorders and at times asthma or bronchitis.
Kangir related accidents, though rare, are also reported from different parts of the valley continuously bases. Some among these are actual accidents but others are deliberate attempts to cause harm to other. The local fights, heated arguments and scuffles, at times, result in throwing the loaded Kangir upon one another causing severe burn injuries especially on one’s head. Such incidents may cause face injuries, face burns and even complete blindness. At times, these injuries can prove fatal.
Excessive and callous use of Kangir has proven dangerous and has caused many accidents and even fires damaging properties. People have been using Kangir from early morning to late night in general but some people occasionally use it during the night in their beds. Most of such people hold it well all through the night but there some instances where the people lose the grip of the Kangir while in sleep and its ember gets scattered, burning the bedding and clothes. Such incidents can have huge destructive impacts upon the life and property of the people.
CONCLUSION
Kangir, being a heritage product, has not evolved much and has to a larger extent, retained its original makeup. Despite its historical importance, it is an extremely essential item of continuous and regular usage in Kashmir. Kangir is so familiar product that it can be seen in all the Kashmir households during the winter season. Interestingly, Kangir does not have any gender versions. It is same for all the genders, all the age groups without any religious bias or any social status.
With advanced technologies and scientific revolutions, Kashmir markets, along with the entire world, are flooded with sophisticated heating appliances but none could reduce or fade away the importance and utility of Kangir. The more advantage added to the Kangir is its portability and mobility. The people take it with them at their workplaces or even to the markets under Pheran held by its handles. Having two handles, it becomes convenient for the people to carry it either ways – by left as well as right hand.
It has survived many revolutions since its inception. Since its historical background is not totally evident but there are various evidences which point toward the fact that Kangir would have evolved since ancient times because necessities have always been there at the back of every invention.
The winter in Kashmir is so harsh that Kangir has attained an important status to beat away cold and make the life of a common Kashmiri comfortable. The less availability of electricity and LPG during winter season adds more scope to the Kangir to combat the chill.
Wicker art and pottery being indispensable parts of a Kangir have not still been given the status of an industry but the art is still flourishing in Kashmir for its constant demand in the market. Apart from being the source of heat, Kangir has been providing economic sustenance to a very large group of artisans and many such workers who are associated with this art. It has directly or indirectly raised the living standard of the families of the artisans spread across the valley, mostly in the remote rural areas. Further, the Kangir has been an item of great fascination for the visitors who usually travel to Kashmir during winter season. The tourists are so enthusiastic about Kangir that they usually buy it from market and take it along as a token of memory.
Irrespective of religion and social status, the Kangir is being used in almost all the religious festivals to burn the seeds of Isbandto emit the aroma, thought to be scared, soothing, destroying the evil forces and neutralizing the negative energies around the place. The use of Kangir is more prevalent in the religious festivals of Kashmiri Pandits who usually treat the fire as a sacred entity. However, the burning of Isband in Kangir on cultural festivals is practiced by almost all the people belonging to all religious sects.
Despite having immense advantages, Kangir has posed some accidental as well as medical complicacies. Kangir burn is one of the main curses of this product. It is caused by continuous and prolonged use of Kangir with high calorific value coal. Mild and average heating varieties of coal used in Kangir do not pose any such threat. If mishandled, Kangir can lead to huge, disastrous fire incidents and can cause loss of life and property. Many a times, we have been the prime witness to such incidents.
We can infer that Kangir, to a very large extent, is a boon the humankind in Kashmir if handled properly with care. It has proven to be an unsubstituted tool used for the abatement of chill in the valley of Kashmir. Its origin, raw materials and artisans are all indigenous. It is an ancient cultural heritage that has remained almost unaltered since its inception.
REFERENCES
Abbas, M.; Wali, M.; Shams-ud-din, L. & Miskeen (eds). (1997). Kashmir Encyclopedia. Vol.3. Srinagar: J&K Academy of Art Culture & Languages. Pp.254-262.
Chaman, C. L. (1985). Sheeraz: Kashmir Ajaibaat. Srinagar: J&K Academy of Art Culture & Languages. Pp.28-38.
Elmslie, W. J. (1866). Etiology of Epithelioma among the Kashmiris. Indian Medical Gazette. Vol.1 (11). Pp.324-326. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC5170252/
Mattoo, A. M. (1988). Kashmir Under Mughals. Srinagar: Golden Horde Enterprises. Pp.183-208.
Pandit, M. A. (2011). Festivals of Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books. Pp.23-28.
Stein, M. A. (1979). Kalhana’s Rajtarangini: A Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir. Vol.1. Westminster: Archibald Constable & Company, Ltd.
Sufi, G. M. (1945). History of Kashmir. Vol.1-2 Lahore: The University of Punjab.
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All photographs by Akhshar Koul (unless otherwise stated).
There was not much snow that winter. By the time Herath got over, Katij would start arriving in cities and towns, building its mud nests under the window awnings, attic rafters, exposed wooden beams of crumbling old houses, in barns and rooftop sheds, underneath the ancient sounding bridges that creaked as you walked over them, and below the bow of houseboats that lined the Jhelum. A Barn Swallow is a species of bird that prefers living with man, building its house next to his, inside his dwelling. This bird trusts Man, when Man builds a city, the bird moves in with him. It has done so for many millennia. Katij’s yearly migration to Kashmir is probably as old as the arrival of man in this fabled earthly garden. Katij’s arrival in valley was the only migration that took place in 1990. What happened with Pandits was something else. This was the year I turned eight. What I witnessed that year, I didn’t fully understand. The misery that filled people that year told me I was seeing something that I should remember. That I should never forget.
My memories of the house are sticky like the smell of deodar and sweet like the smell of water on mud husk wall, alive like hooves of a beast breaking the floor, frightening like the neighing sound of horses in dead, dark nights. Families had a common kitchen till 70s. As the families grew, kitchens were separated, three newer basic structures comprising kitchen, hall and few bedrooms were setup. The kitchens still didn’t have running water, and although by 80s the gas stove had arrived, the traditional “Daan” wood fired oven still had a corner in the old house’s Thokur Kuth, the kitchen-cum-God room where Herath or Shivratri would be ritually celebrated every year.
In 1990, we left Kashmir a day after the day of Herath, we left on the day of Salaam. We boarded the bus early morning on the 23rd of February.
“When did we leave?” I still ask my grandmother. “Allah Ho Akbar Yelli gov” she replies. To her the date of leaving and the reason for leaving is the same: When the calls of Allah’s greatness were raised.
For those early years in Jammu, we never discussed these things. Even if it came up in conversations, the matter was discussed like an accident victim would describe his injury minutes after getting hit by a car: that is hurt, that they were hit. Only after hours, only while healing, does the victim go into the details of his injury and the nature of the incident, how it happened. In 1990, neighbourhood was rife with rumors of an old lady from our house offering water to the soldiers. For years my grandmother denied the charge, as if the charge mattered. It was only 25 years later that she accepts that she used to ask the soldiers if they needed anything. “It was out of humanity,” she says with a sense of guilt. As if she was the reason why the family was forced to leave. My grandmother does not know history. She studied till class 5 and then in post-Kabali raid Kashmir, was married off at the age of twelve. Many other girls in the valley were hastily married in the initial years of Independence. It was the after-effect of horror tales born in the 47-48 Kashmir war. My grandmother recalls this much about the conflict and its relation to her life story. She remembers the night of Allah-hu-Akbar of 1990.
I read history. In July 1931 riots, an incident took place in Karfali Mohalla, the place where my grandmother was born. The incident is recorded in the official riot report compiled by the Royal court. A Muslim witness, a Mirza, claims at around half past ten in night he heard the Pandits raise the cry of Nara-i-Takbir. He claimed the Hindus proceeded to make the claim that Muslims were looting them and burning the houses. He claims the Military (under foreign mediator, British Regent) came and found the claim to be false, they left scolding the Pandits.
Isn’t that still the claim? That the mosques issued no threats, Pandits made it up, that they unduly panicked, that they engineered their own exodus.
In 1931, in the mayhem unleashed on Pandits of Vicharnag, gongs were rung to gather the mobs, it was an open invitation to looting and plunder. Mosques were used to make the call for Jihad. All of it is in the riot report quoting eyewitnesses. I had no distinct memory of the night of 19th January 1990. All the nights of that winter were the same. House a shadow, “Blackout”, sometimes lit by candle and sometimes by the blue haze of a B&W television. We all huddled together, all sleeping in the same room, ears on alert, distant cracking of gunshots.
It took me 25 years to reconstruct the memory. It took my parents 25 years to open up and share their experience. They did it over the years, in bits and pieces.
Conflict arrived home one late afternoon in July 1988. “Munni ji bachey baal baal!” (Munni ji [mother] survived by a whisker), grandmother recalls. That day Mother came home with her chappals in hand. She was near the site of the blast at Telegraph office. Hearing the blast, she had taken off her chappals, expecting violent crowds on the main road, walked through bylanes to reach home taking routes and shortcuts my grandfather had taught her. We made Taher, the yellow rice to appease the Goddess who protects one from unforeseen evils. A lot of taher was made those days. Mother was a teacher in a village schools and she would commute daily in local bus. Once due to hartal, she was stuck in a Shia village. She took shelter in the house of a farmer where she sat a few hours looking at all the farming tools wondering if a woman could be killed using them. The whole year were “incidents”, mobs and shutdowns. By the time 1989 arrived, people had gotten used to it, this too became normal. A distant relative was killed by a spade. The official reports said the killer was insane, that it was a case of mistaken identity, that the reason for killing was something else. Soon enough, the killings started on a different scale. There were tales of masked men in gumboots carrying Russian guns returning home. Srinagar, ever the city of rumors, was drowning in rumours. When the first of the National Conference leader was assassinated, guns were handed over to NC workers for self defence. The story goes that the guns were soon “lost” and ended up with “Militants”. The national dailies that arrived in the city late in the evening, still called them Militants, the term terrorist was not yet in currency. It was 1989, the term Mujahid was only used by our neighbours.
Who were our neighbours? There was the horse cart family that lived in half the house and then behind us was the family that cleaned it’s jajeer water, spittoons and night soil into our backyard. Both these households were so close to our house, we could hear each other. At night we could hear the wheezing of the horses and in day we could hear the curses. Our houses were porous, when my sister was born, someone among the neighbours yelled, “Jaan Gos Billas Zaay Koor!” (Good that Billu had a daughter ) There were prayers too, my father recalls that on the night of Milad un Nabi, someone in the house behind us would sing all night in slow sonorous voice with a twang songs celebrating the birth of his prophet. Next to that house lived henna red haired Moghul of hollow cheeks and small kohl eyes. Abandoned by her husband, she made her living spinning cotton on a wheel. She had three sons and Posha was the daughter, her youngest. She had her mother’s eyes, just a bit squinty. In the neighbourhood she was nicknamed “Batte-Posh”, Pandit’s flower, for Posha grew up in our house. She remembers being taught crochet by my aunt, Veena. Sh remembers being forced to study, she remembers being asked to sing the “Jana Ganna Manna”. She was closest to Sahaba ji, one of my uncles, cousin of my father. Their houses were next to each other. When Mogul wanted to expand her first floor courtyard, he let her, even though it now expanded right into our land.
Towards the first week of January, Sahaba cousin uncle and Veena aunt were packed off and sent to Jammu for safety. They were the first to leave. It was Posha who brought in the news that Sahaba was on the Hitlist. Sahaba worked for the state cement factory, was active in Labor Union, most of his close friends were people who were in MUF (Muslim United Front), men went on to be the leaders for JKLF. What was the charge on him? He had briefly joined the state police force. His father-in-law was in Jail department. Being the only son of her mother and dead father, Sahaba soon left the job. The charge was he was “Special officer”. Posha by now was part of the juloos, the crowds that would come out on the streets screaming “Aazadi”. The schools were shut in around October, a month early for winter. Many such juloos I witnessed. Many a times I wanted to join them, the exhilaration was infectious. Many a times the crowds outside would scream “‘Hum kya Chahte?” Many a times, while mother taught me additions and subtractions in the highest room in the house, much to her chargin, I would run to a window and scream back, “Aazadi!”
Posha too was learning calculations. She knew people. Invisible people who now claimed to be true voice of Kashmiris. Posha claimed that there were charges against her too, serious charges like, “You eat with Pandits”. She passed the message that “Mujahids” don’t want to shoot the wrong person, but mistakes could always happen. The message was clear. Veena Didi was victim of another message, this one was not privately conveyed but broadcast publicly though newspapers. Muslim and Non-Muslim women were asked to put on their religious markers: Burqa, Bindi. The “Mujahids” were again being fair, they didn’t want to target the wrong person. This message too was clearly understood by those it was meant for. Veena Didi was working in microbiology department of the Soura hospital. She was the first woman in our family to go outside the state for studying. She would fight with her younger brother over her right to watch a movie in Broadway Cinema hall. Now, Kashmir demanded she turn up for job decked like a Hindu bride.
I watched Veena Didi spend all previous summer making Amla-Shikakai concoction, soaking her hair in it for hours. Applying rice gruel and even raw eggs. She was preparing for her Spring wedding. All the preparation had been done. Shopping, house painting, new curtains, setting up rows of mud oven in the yard under the Fig tree for cooking feasts in big tin pots. House was getting an update, a new bathroom was built, in it we would finally have a geyser, they were working on an engineering solution to get the shower also to work. A sintex tank, perhaps even a motor. New galvanized tin sheets were purchased to replace the old rusty ones in roof. All of this work was meant to be over by winter. The violence froze in the winter.
Yet, Veena’s hair grew on hartal days of winter and now touched the silver anklets of her feet. Then the message arrived along with clear signs of times to come. There were acid attacks on some working women, Hindu and Muslim.
Message meant that even if Shivratri was approaching, Veena and Sahaba Nanu had to leave for safety of Jammu. On the way, their bus rolled down a gorge, many were injured, some died. News reached home: Sahaba Nanu had chipped a front teeth, Veena had a minor head injury, doctors had snipped her hair a bit to bandage the wound. Rest they were all fine. More Taher was prepared. It was as if the Gods had taken an extra liking for taher that year. In the coming weeks, their love for valley was going to demand more than just yellow rice from them, it was going to make demands on their life.
Kashmiri Muslims also make Taher, it is just that their yellow rice has fried onion in it, thus ritually different than Pandits, but same in essence, tabruk, a blessing. In these times they too needed blessings. A few weeks later the first person to die in our neighbourhood was Posha’s elder brother who ran a knick-knack cart outside our main door. A simple man whose life’s objective each day it seemed was just to make kids laugh. That’s probably why everyone called him a “mout”, a madman, a species that once flourished in Kashmir, every neighbourhood had one. This “mout” would often give kids sugar coated multi-colored sauf packets for free. I spent a lot of time sitting outside our gate, eyeing toys, awaiting new ones. I wasn’t at the gate the day he died in cross fire, caught between guns of Mujahids and soldiers. Of her two remaining brothers, one was already a Mujahid, he too would be dead in a few months. The one remaining brother was to teach Posha how to ride a scooty two decades later.
It took me two decades to realize that Posha, the messenger of 90s was just about sixteen at the time, just a few years older than my eldest cousin. I had questions for Posha, now a lab assistant in a government school, married to a grade three government employee who in winters would sell Kashmiri goods like Kullu Shawl in cities as far off as Bangalore. Her beautiful two kids, a boy and a girl were in a Zakir Naik run private institution. I asked Posha in which standard was she at the time. She was in fifth standard on account of having joined the schooling quite late after much coercion. She was such a central powerful figure in our memories of 1990, I did think she be older. Just sixteen and yet she held sway over the fate of our family in 1990.
Years later, in our house in Jammu, Posha was telling Sahaba Nanu how Jagmohan had engineered the whole thing. She was banned from the house for a few years, but she keeps coming, old bonds remain and get tugged. She visits and tells us of other girls of the neighbourhood, her cousins who grew up in our house. She tells us of Billi, the little girl who used to climb the grape creepers. Billi died of Breast cancer a few years ago even as a Pandit doctor couldn’t save her and probably over charged. She confesses Mother’s dressing table is with her. “Look, everyone was taking stuff. I assumed you be happy at least the dressing table is with me!” Mother has hated her ever since their first meeting. At the wedding, when Posha first saw my Mother, she couldn’t help but exclaim, “Billu Bhaiya, ye ha krihin!” (Brother Billu, she is dark skinned!) Father in embarrassment gagged her mouth before she could utter more and handed his wrist watch to her as a bribe. “She herself is dark like a watul!”, mother would often say.
Mother was not with me on the night of 19th January. A grand-aunt of hers had passed away a few days ago. Mother was at Chanpora at her sister’s place. She had taken my sister along. This was probably the last time she travelled alone in Kashmir. Why she took my sister and not me? Probably because my sister was two years younger and easier to manage. I would not easily agree to leave the house. They tell me even when I was a toddler, everytime I returned from matamaal, I would straightaway head for my favorite spot near a window, sit under it and run my fingers over the familiar cracks in the walls, assuring myself that I was really home. Funeral had become all the more tragic affair because the city was again under curfew and there was no simple way to reach the dead. Those who could reach had walked all the way to Barzulla, after crossing the winter dried bed of Doodhganga river on foot, they had used inner routes that none of their progenies would know or own in exile. Mother skipped the visit.
What does my mother remember?
When the loudspeakers started baying for blood on 19th, my sister wouldn’t stop crying. The mosque was very close to their house, I still remember the day crowds had gathered in the grounds around it after a lightning had struck it. Now the loudspeakers thundered, “Death to Kafirs!” Possibly the crowds were gathering in the grounds. Those inside the house were on the edge. Chanapore was a new locality, filled by people who had moved in here after selling off their older properties as the families were growing, the neighbors were new, there were no old ties between them. “Rivers of Blood shall flow! Justice awaits!”, the tape running in the mosque promised in Hindustani. On it went, it seemed for hours that stretched like eternity. My Massi a single woman was raising two teenage kids in the house. Two women, three children and an old grandmother, all locked themselves up inside a room and awaited justice. My sister never had a sense of propriety, she started crying. They tried to pacify here, it was of no use, once she starts there is no end. Afraid that there were mobs outside on prowl, Massi stuffed Parle-G biscuits inside her mouth to shut her up.
It was the same all over the city for Kashmiri Pandit women. How? I know in Jawahar Nagar, a girl who is now married to one of my cousins, was shut by her parents inside a storeroom under a staircase to keep her safe. I know in Indira Nagar, a girl, now my aunt, was shut in an attic.
“What happened in Chattabal that night?,” I ask my father and his brothers.
19th January was a Friday. It was well past the dinner time when local mosque started blaring taped messages over the loudspeaker asking the faithful to rise against the unfaithful, to declare war on the infidels and free themselves forever, free, like gods always wanted them to be. The unfaithful us were watching the Friday night English movie on Doordarshan. Ironically, as if Kashmir exists in a cruel predetermined universe, they were watching Escape From Sobibor (1987), a telefilm on a group of Polish Jews escaping from an extermination camp. Heeding the call of faith, ignoring the curfew orders, people started to gather in the streets chanting slogans of god, war and freedom. My father and uncles went outside to check, but only after locking everyone else inside the house. All our Muslim neighbours were there. The crowd was walking towards the nearby tongachowk. Walking at the fringe ends of the crowd, my father and uncles reached the spot to witness the hujoom, a sea of men. They saw a bonfire of tyres and around it people screaming their lungs out at the invisible enemy. This went on for sometime. Then people started heading back home. After most of the people had disappeared, an armored van arrived on the scene with local state police in tow. Father and his brother knew what it meant and headed for the house, while running, they tried to warn the others. A man from the neighbourhood refused to budge, he had three daughters, he was convinced they were coming for his daughter. There were few others like him. Next day, a firefighter truck arrived spraying water to remove the blood stains from the roads.
My grandfather went for the funeral against the advice of the children. People gave speeches about war to bring lasting peace. Revenge, so that every martyr’s soul finds passage to the final home. My grandfather never spoke in detail about his experience at thefuneral. On being reminded of it, as if embarrassed, as if he had committed a crime, grandfather would touch his ears and say, “Trahi! Trahi! (Save! Save! The things I heard!).” I ask the women, my aunts and grand-aunts, people locked inside the house about that night of 19th in Chattabal. The screaming started about 10:30 at night. They remember the film was about some sort of revolution. People and candle lit march. Perhaps about some Russian revolution. For a moment they thought the slogans were coming from the TV. It took them some time to be alarmed. They thought a mob was preparing to loot and kill. While they were still gathering their wits, there was hard knocking on the main door. The walls and doors of the house were no longer respected. It was as if they didn’t exist. Only weeks ago, ITBP (Indo-Tibetan Border police) had jumped over the wall at night, forced us all to line up against the wall and asked us why we were sending light signals from the house. It took us some time to explain that there was a hole in one of our high windows, what they had seen was a game of shadows and candle. Not convinced they asked my father if he knew how many bullets an AK-47 fires in a second. They wanted to know if we were hiding militants. Our only defense was that we were Hindu. A local policeman had intervened on our behalf explaining that these men were not to be questioned. We were let off. That night I remember clearly. It is the 19th January I don’t remember. Maybe I was asleep. I wasn’t allowed to stay up for late night english movie nights.
Wife of my father’s elder cousin, a woman I grew up calling Aunty Mummy narrated the ordeal. It was the neighbour knocking on the gate, Posha was also there, inviting “Baaji, Come join us!”. There was going to be a protest march. They wanted our participation. It was more a proof of loyalty being demanded. A defense was being created. It was a demand masked as a request. A denial of such request could have all kinds of repercussions if we planned to live in Kashmir. Who would want to be labelled backstabbing Indian agent in such times. Kashmiris, all of us, keep such scores for very long time, decades, centuries, passing them on in our genes. The score of this denial may be asked to settle a century later. After all Kashmiri Pandits were still answering for the events of the 1930s and 40s. So, off went the men on their adventure in the street outside wearing their winter jackets. Before leaving all the women were gathered in the store room, in the store was an almirah, and behind the almirah a window that opened in the Muslim house behind us. They were instructed to jump outside if there was any danger. “After all these neighbours saved us in 47!”, they surmised. After the men locked them from outside and left, it was in darkness that the futility of the plan dawned on women. This store room was on the first floor. Even if they survived the jump somehow, none of them would be able to run and escape. They started uttering in silent whispers “indrakshi namsa devi” while the loudspeaker continued to squeal. This was the room I was in even though I have no memory of it. I probably slept through it all.
I remember the day the decision to leave was taken a few days later. I remember I was happy when I heard we were all going to Jammu. I had been to Jammu the previous year during a school break. I thought it was going to be another vacation. Taking that decision, locked inside a room, two generations of Razdans fought each other. Children were not allowed in. I could hear the load sounds coming out of the room, it seemed like everyone was angry and unhappy. I tried to listen in, climbed a window to get a peek, the room was curtained. I was told later that the elders were not ready to move, they thought it was justanother phase in Kashmir that too shall pass, the young tried to convince them that the ground beneath their feet didn’t exist, that the world they had inhibited had already turned to ash.
We were leaving Kashmir, that was certain. The only question that remained was, when.
The city was under constant curfew for fifteen to twenty day. There was no way to even inform the relatives, we had no phone. The children still played in the yard, men played cards all day while women were busy serving them tea and snacks. On the surface everything seemed normal, we kept up with the appearances, trying hard not to alarm the neighbours. If anyone had a score to settle, we did not want them to know now was the time.
The only risk taken in the calculations done in that room was that we were going to leave after performing the Shivratri rituals. Elders were prepared to die for that. They prayed to Gods to grant them only this much time. Elders also decreed that younger ones will be the first to leave. Elders will stay on for some more time, they had seen enough seasons, if the situation got better, perhaps we would all be together again in Kashmir in a month or so. There was no curfew from 5 to 8 in the morning. That was our window. A day after Shivratri, on the morning of Salaam, on 23rd February, Gull Touth, the neighbourhood Muslim Tongawalla arrived at our gate just before the sun’s first ray bent over the Zabarwan mountain range to enter the valley. Many a times at odd hours he had ferried pregnant women and sickly children to hospital, often he had ferried crying housewives to their mothers. This day he ferried us to Lal Chowk Ghanta Ghar. I don’t know what he thought was going on. We got into the first video coach bus going out of the city. I was overjoyed as this was my first ride in a video coach. It felt like the vacation fun had already started. Curtains were drawn on the windows, the movie they played that day was Namak Halaa, or was it Naseeb, the memory is divided. My joy was short lived as TV was switched off when we reached Qazi Gund, some women had started crying loudly and a few men were pleading that they all be left alone in silence. In silence we crossed the tunnel named Jawahar, after a Kashmiri Pandit. In the bus were: my mother, my sister, my father, an uncle and I.
On reaching Jammu, father left us the next day to head back for Srinagar. I would see him again only after about two months. Srinagar was under a curfew like never enforced before. Even the bylane and inner walkways were off limits to the public. In Jammu we camped in a rooftop store-room of a relative. There was no way for us to know their well-being. This relative was a former KAS officer, they had a phone. Sometime news would arrive. Terrible news. There had been another killing. A pandit had been shot in his room, another had been shot in the toilet, a man was shot grappling his assailant, a pandit was shot in the street outside his house. A relative, a young man with kids my age had been killed. I remember those days, I prayed to Gods, “Please, let no one in my family die. I promise to worship you for the rest of my life.” I made this promise to all the gods I knew. By the time Jammu summer arrived, all of us were reunited. Storeroom was our new address that whole year. It took me decades to ask my father how he left Kashmir.
“I reached Karan Chowk at about 9 P.M. The Auto-driver refused to take me further. I had to walk thirty minutes to reach home. There were bunkers every few yards, and not a soul in sight. I told myself if a shot rings out anywhere, there will be cross-firing and that will be it. I must have walked that path a thousand times in my life, many a times after a late night movie show but never in life had I experienced that unexplainable fear. Those thirty minutes were the worst. This curfew went on for about two months. Some neighbours did come looking for Sahaba. They assured, ‘We are just making sure no wrong man is targeted.’ A pandit in the neighbourhood was picked to have his throat slit. Some Muslim neighbours pleaded for the man, gave good remarks about his character and the man survived. One day while the milkman was handing over the milk to your uncle over the side wall of the house, the spot where pomegranate tree grew, there was a burst of AK-47 directed at the house. It was the last warning. We were looking for a way to escape. But, there was not enough money in the house. By April, there was let up in curfew hours. On 13th April, I collected two months of salary, Rs. 1900 from the bank. That’s how I remember the date we left. We now had the money but we still needed a transport. There were trunks that we needed to take along, afterall there was going to be a wedding in the family. A few days later your grandfather spotted a truck in the neighbourhood, it was a truck from Punjab delivering cattle to the local slaughterhouse. We struck a deal with the Sikh driver. He agreed to load us in his truck for Rs. 900. I know all this from the expense diary I was maintaining at the time. We left on the morning of 16th April.”
“Your grandmother and I sat in the front.” Aunty Mummy remembers like it happened yesterday. “At Pantha Chowk, a group of Army men stopped the truck. Finding us inside, they found the men at the back sitting on trunks, surrounded by animal filth. An officer asked us not to leave, he promised they will protect us. Tears started rolling down our eyes. We told them they were issuing our death warrant by asking us to stay. That they did not know what it was like to live in this Kashmir. The officer relented and let us pass.”
Father remembers one more thing, “At Qazigund, around nine, we saw a man with briefcase standing by the road, signing vehicles to stop. It was a Pandit man we could tell, probably making his escape to be with his family outside. He escaped along with us. An unknown man. That is how we lived and survived.”
No one in my family died that year but perhaps a part of them got left behind. I remember the day grandfather broke the television in anger. He threw a metal jug at the screen. It happened one evening when the grownups were having some discussion in our rooftop storeroom refuge. I could hear grandfather’s raised voice and the glass breaking, followed by a long winding sound of metal ringing on the floor. The discussion ended. There was no television that day. I wondered what they must have been discussing in the room. I never found out. I guess they were not happy on the roof. It was a silent night. A horrible thought took root in my mind. What if it really was a sad situation? What if it was a permanent state? What if we never return to Kashmir? I hadn’t met any of my cousins during this entire time. Everyone had stopped visiting each other. I wondered if they too were living like this. What would happen to my treasure trove that I had buried in Kashmir before leaving? Before leaving, in a far off corner of the courtyard I had dug a hole in the ground and buried inside it my precious things for safekeeping: a small wooden black horse, a plastic wound up Jeeptoy with a missing roof, half a magnet, some tips of broken pens, some empty casings of sketch color pens, a dead silvery lighter belonging to a dead granduncle, some bright colored glass marbles and a piece of a blade of a hand saw. What would happen to them? There were more…my precious belonging: a hot-wheels car, one EverReady cell, bottle caps, a shard of green colored glass, plastic whistles collected from sauf packets, two pieces of a jigsaw puzzle…that were once part of Taj Mahal. Counting my treasures I went to sleep. Next morning, father made me carry our broken 14-inch television to a repair shop to have its tube replaced. It survived. We survived. The show continued. Veena Didi got married a few months later.
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A few years ago when I met the woman I was going to marry, I asked her where she was in 1990. “Delhi,” she answers. When I ask for more details, all I get is, “we had some relatives there, after a few months in Jammu, we were in Delhi.” I keep prodding for many months. There is more to her story, like many others of my generation, she is embarrassed to say that her family from Baramulla was for the first few months living in a farmer’s farm shed at the outskirts of Jammu, near the airport. What does she remember from that year: “A brick once fell from the roof. We made Taher.”
I tell her about the place where I was born. I tell her, “It was once a beautiful Garden. A place named Bagh-i-Sundar Bala Chattabal.” I ask her to tell me about the Garden in which she was born.
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Family in the home garden. [Right to left] Mother, Father, Uncle. Grandmother, Aunt. Chattabal, Kashmir. 1979. A few years before my birth.
“AABSHARAN” by young talents Kartik Koul and Ujwal Raina; featuring Bismah Meer. Kartik and Ujwal were writing and singing original songs in Hindi. So the brief from me was simple: try something similar in Kashmiri. Few months later they came back with is beautiful mix of Kashmiri, Hindi/Urdu and an element of rap also in the two languages. Surprisingly, the Kashmiri elements didn’t seem forced, instead they played on the motifs from classic Kashmiri poetry. This was about 2 years back, due to covid the video work could not takeoff. Finally, earlier this year I managed to get a team on ground to execute the video featuring a fresh face from valley.
Shiva are embodiment of India. Illustration from an old Kashmiri magazine. Kashmir Research Institute, Srinagar.
I want to begin this article by thanking you, dear reader, who, after reading the article’s title, chose to read it instead of skipping it like many other readers. There must be perhaps something striking about the title that was perceived intriguingly by your conscious or your unconscious, something impulsive that made you want to read the words of this text and make sense. Perhaps it was the word Kashmir that struck some chords of your brain; perhaps it was the word Shaivism that triggered the (a)theistic regions of your brain or perhaps the word philosophy, or perhaps you chose to read it just for the sake of reading. Whatsoever the reason, I hope the readers will read the article to its end and be inspired to become Shiva. But I want to clear certain things here and now; I am not an expert to write something on a subject like this because there already have been many scholars extraordinary and highly advanced mystics who have already delved deep to the bottom of this ocean. But I believe that their readership is subjected to selective literary coteries, which has reached a dwindling number in the present time. This is not the first article on this subject, nor does this include my interpretation of any of the original texts on this subject. Instead, this article aims to provide a kaleidoscopic view of all that has been written about the philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism till now. To state the words of Michael Madhusudan Dutt, “In matters literary, old boy, I am too proud to stand before the world in borrowed clothes. I may borrow a neck-tie, or even a waist coat, but not the whole suit.” I, therefore, present this article to the readers as a bouquet containing flowers of Kashmir Shaivism plucked from different philosophical gardens of India.
Since the very beginning, Kashmir has been the cradle of various philosophies, the seat of the Goddess of learning. It was in this valley of Kashmir that Abhinavagupta (the great master of Kashmir Shaivism) appeared at that point of time when Shaivism had taken deep roots in the soil of Kashmir. Around 10-11 CE, Shaivism had become so embedded in the psyche of the Kashmiri populace that it had branched itself into various philosophical schools of thought such as Spanda, Pratyabhijna, Krama and Kaula. Thus, this task of integrating the above schools of thought under one shed was taken up by Abhinavagupta in his magnum opus ‘Tantralok’ or ‘The Light on the Tantras’, and the collection of these branches of a singular tree came to be known as the Trika Shaivism. Therefore, Trika Shaivism can be considered as a part of the whole (Kashmir Shaivism). The readers may, however, note that the terms Kashmir Shaivism and Trika are sometimes used interchangeably. But how did Kashmir Shaivism actually come into being? According to legend, Lord Shiva appeared in a dream to a venerable teacher by the name of Acharya Vasugupta, who lived in Kashmir in the 9th century. Lord Shiva told Vasugupta that He had inscribed secret teachings on a huge rock and that he should find this rock and spread these teachings to those who were worthy to receive them. The teachings inscribed on the rock were uncovered by the sage and came to be known as the Shiva Sutras, a set of 77 aphorisms on yoga. They are the seed of the philosophy and discipline of Kashmir Shaivism. The corpus of work in Kashmir Shaivism is a commentary on these sutras or an expansion of them. This is the origin of the Shivasutras and the beginning of the writings of Kashmir Shaivism.
The word “Shaivism” is derived from Shiva, which is the name given to the Ultimate Reality. Thus, the philosophy of Kashmir Shaivism describes the highest truth as supreme Shiva. Shiva is Chaitanya, the everlasting and all-pervasive consciousness. All that is experienced in the world is Shiva. Kashmir Shaivism is a philosophy of experience. The purpose of this doctrine is to show the individual the path to the right knowledge by overcoming his deep-rooted ignorance and casting aside his limitations. The philosophy is called “Kashmir Shaivism” because the Shivasutras on which it is based were revealed in the valley of Kashmir, and many of the philosophers who studied and wrote about the system lived in that area. The word ‘Trika’ means ‘three-fold’ because it analyses the nature of Shiva, Shakti and Nara, or God, soul and matter. Shiva is God; Shakti is God’s I-consciousness, and Nara is man (human). Trika is the pure Kashmiri philosophy enunciated by ancient Rishis of the valley, and it teaches that Shiva, Shakti and Nara are not different from one another. It states that Man and God are one and the same. In fact, just the supreme self, known as Shiva in this philosophical system, is the self of the entire universe.
The primary literature of the Shaivite philosophy may be broadly classified into three groups: 1)Agama-believed to be revelations (writing inspired), if not inspired by God; 2)Spanda– it lays down the critical doctrines of the system, expanding the revelations and 3)Pratyabhijna– it interprets those doctrines reasonably and logically.
According to Indian tradition, there is only one Ultimate Reality, but there are six fundamental interpretations of that Reality known as Shad Darshans or the Six systems of philosophy. These constitute India’s six classic philosophical schools: Nyaya, Vaiseshika, Samkhya, Yoga, Purva-Mimamsa and Uttara-Mimamsa (or Vedanta). Apart from these philosophical schools, Kashmir Shaivism occupies a unique position in Indian philosophy and differs from the rest in certain ways. To give the reader a clear picture of how Kashmir Shaivism differs or contradicts the schools mentioned above, I shall explain by giving an example (of Vedanta and Kashmir Shaivism) on the lines of Indian cosmological theories. According to the Advaita Vedanta school, their theory of creation is that of appearance, according to which there is actually no creation at all. As creation does not exist, it only appears to exist. What we think exists is, therefore, mere facts. This appearance of the universe is linked to the dream objects that appear in a dream. The objects of a dream seem to be real as long as the dream lasts. The objects of the dream, however, disappear once the dream comes to an end. One finds a striking resemblance between this theory and the statement made by the pre-socratic Parmenides of Elea “The world as we know it is illusory”.
On the other hand, the central premise of Kashmir Shaivism is that there is only one Ultimate Reality, and it is the sovereign will of God that is the cause of the manifest universe. This theory of creation is known as the principle of sovereign will (of God). Kashmir Shaivism holds that the world is born of Him, and He is the very fibre of its existence. The world under this doctrine is not a dream. It is real because Shiva manifests Himself in the world. Thus Shiva is within the world as well as beyond the world. Shiva, by his own free will, sends forth the universe from his own being, imparts existence to it, and again withdraws it into Himself. The cosmological structure of Trika Shaivism is based upon the 25 Samkhya categories of existence (tattva/elements). It, however, adds 11 more categories and thus, in Kashmir Shaivism, the total number of manifestational categories become 36, of which the highest category is Paramshiva, and the lowest one is that of the phenomenal world. Kashmir Shaivism believes in the existence of numerous realms besides our empirical world, and these realms are thought to be inhabited by beings invisible to the naked eye. To give the reader an idea of the nature of these tattvas or elements, I shall name a few of them, to wit: Five Great Elements (earth, water, fire, air, ether), Five Subtle elements (smell, taste, form, touch, sound), Five Organs of Action (creative, excretion, foot, hand, speech) etc. Thus, Paramshiva transcends all these 36 tattvas and exists as the pure being unaffected by all time, space, and causation while standing as the support and substratum of everything.
Kashmir Shaivism constructs a pure monism that assumes a single Reality (the Ultimate Reality) with two aspects, one transcending the universe (prakasha) and the other operating through it (vimarsha). According to this philosophical approach, every entity owes its existence to Shiva. Shiva as absolute God is pure light (prakasha) or the spiritual light of consciousness. On account of this light of consciousness, we are able to know what is to be known. Prakash is the aspect of self-realization which illuminates everything. Nevertheless, the Absolute as consciousness is not only light but also reflection (vimarsha). The reflective aspect of the Absolute discloses its dynamic nature. It is in and through reflection that the Absolute appears as phenomena. Vimarsha is the aspect that uses prakash to survey itself. The universe, as well as whatever there is in the universe, is the self-manifestation of the Absolute. This Ultimate Reality, according to the Trika system, is the core of all things and is known by the name of Paramshiva (the Supreme Shiva). He is beyond all manifestations; He is beyond the limitations of form. He is beyond change, always remaining transcendental and undiminished. The luminosity of the Absolute represents its static aspect. As the essence of light is reflection, so the Absolute shines forth as God through the five cosmic powers of manifestation, preservation, withdrawal, obscuration and revelation. It is through the reflective aspect that the Absolute expresses its five cosmic powers. At the conceptual level of thought, this aspect is known as Shakti, which in terms of religious devotion, is symbolized by the Goddess. It is shakti that imparts the necessary dynamism to the otherwise passive Shiva. The word Shakti is derived from the root “shak” meaning to be capable of; therefore, it is the power of consciousness to act or active aspect of consciousness. It is the cause of all motion and change observed throughout the manifest universe. Shakti, according to the Kashmir Shaivism, is the universal energy that brings all things into being; and as such, it is considered to be the feminine aspect of nature, the “Mother of the Universe.” In yogic parlance, Shakti is known as kundalini Shakti. It works ordinarily in all living beings. According to Arthur Avalon, “Kundalini is the state Shakti which is the individual’s bodily representative of the great cosmic power (Shakti) that creates and sustains the universe.”
Kashmir Shaivism has been called the religion of grace. It is through divine grace that the seeker of salvation is enabled to reach his esoteric goal of libration in terms of realizing his unity with the supreme consciousness, namely, Paramshiva. The final cosmic activity of God is said to be that of revelation, or the stage in which He reveals Himself as He is, as a consequence of His grace. The take of Kashmir Shaivism on God’s grace is that it should be seen as the mainspring of an individual’s search for liberation. However, the system maintains that grace should not be treated as being the result of one’s religious deeds. Grace is purely a gift from God; the descent of grace upon an individual occurs according to His free will. While pouring down His grace upon people, God does not necessarily take into consideration whether they have sinned or not. Grace is meant for the sinner primarily. Thus, the divine grace of God may be seen as the initial pointy of movement towards salvation. Though phenomenal existence is a manifestation of divine nature, it must be transcended because it is a state of limitation or imperfection. The three states of waking, dreaming and deep sleep, which comprise the whole of phenomenal life, are painful and constitute the realm of toil and suffering. During these states, freedom is reduced to a subordinate position. Therefore, the state of liberation, which is the fourth state called (turiya), is highly sought after. It is a state of spiritual revelation. There is, however, a still higher state of spiritual illumination that is known as the (turiyatita) that is, beyond the Fourth. Liberation is sought only upon the negation of bondage. Although in reality, there is no bondage, the individual is bound as long as he continues to feel limited. If he does not feel bound, he has no real problem. However, as long as he maintains a sense of ego and identity with the body, he remains in the realm of limitation and has to put forth self-effort to overcome his trials and sufferings. And this suffering acts as an essential stimulus for spiritual awakening. The final release or liberation consists of the realization of the absolute freedom or perfection. The attainment of freedom is possible only when one transcends the realm of Maya. Liberation is the recognition of one’s own true nature- the original, innate, pure I-consciousness. When an individual has this awareness, he knows his real nature and attains the bliss of the Universal Consciousness or Shiva-Consciousness. The highest form of bliss, according to Kashmir Shaivism, is Jagadananda or Lokananda, the bliss of the world, in which the whole world appears to the liberated soul as the embodiment of Shiva.
Kashmir Shaivism represents one of the most luminous attainments of the spiritual endeavour to relate human with the divine, being conceived as the happy marriage of the abstract with the realistic world of human experience. If one were to describe or explain the central idea and substance of Kashmir Monistic Shaivism, then one is often reminded of the observation made by Swami Utpalacharya, a distinguished Shaivite, who said, “I would bow in reverence before that great bhaktha, who performs no japa nor undertakes any dhyana but who finds Shiva in everything and everywhere.”
In the concluding part of the article, I would like to state a verse from Abhinavagupta’s Paramarthasara:
“It is in me that this universe reveals itself, like vases and other objects in a spotless mirror. From me, everything arises, just as the many different dreams arise from sleep. It is I whose form is this universe, just as a body has hands, feet, and sense organs. It is I who shines in everything, like a light shining in different forms.”
Thus, it would be apt to say that Kashmir Shaivism is the pinnacle of all philosophy, that there is nothing beyond it.
References:
Swami Lakshmanjoo, Kashmir Shaivism: The Secret Supreme
Nand Lal Shah, Kashmir Trika Philosophy and other Thoughts
Swami Tejomayananda, Introduction to Kashmir Shaivism
Moti Lal Pandit, Trika Shaivism: An Introduction
Swami Shankarananda, The Yoga of Kashmir Shaivism: consciousness is everything
Prof. Navjivan Rastogi, Introducing Kashmir Shaivism
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Satyarth Pandita is a BS-MS undergraduate student at an Indian Institute. He is doing his major in Biological Sciences. For him, the journey of writing began with sending short stories and paintings to ‘Springer'(Monthly Children’s Magazine) and now many of his short stories, essays and articles have been published in the state newspapers like ‘Daily Excelsior’, ‘State Times’ and in magazines like ‘Kitaab’, ‘All Ears’, ‘Ayaskala’ , and ‘TheStoryVault’.
“Maeshravthas Janaan” by Vishal Pandita, lyrics of Rasa Javidani, a song originally immortalised by Raj Begam. Original was a love song, here it becomes exile lament. There is play on Kashmir “paradise”, what we hope to see, and what we actually see when we return, and ends with a famous verse of Lal Ded about soul’s journey home.
As always the brief from my end was that the song has to be shot in Kashmir. The team did a great job at executing the ideas, finding the locations, and even used old images from SearchKashmir site to get the feeling right.
ti tche roozakh [and you will be] jannat-e-benazir [paradise par excellence ] kasheer [kashmir] maeshravthas janaan [my love, you have forgotten me] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] maeshravthas janaan [my love, you have forgotten me] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] chukh aze waffa begaane [today you are faithless] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] dar-e-dil kare mai jaay, mat’hai maay nigaroo
[in valley of my heart i gave you space, love, our love you forgot] kaaba’es me gov but-khan’e, [Kaaba of my heart, is now a desolate temple] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] akh jalwe haevith aashiqan [ your lovers could only sneak a peek] falwa tche karith gokh [having driven us mad, you were gone] chui aalma deywaan, [whole world having gone mad] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] maeshravthas janaan [my love, you have forgotten me] tche kar yaad pyamai bo [when will you remember me] [Lal Ded, Vakh] ami pana so’dras, [with weak untwisted thread] navi chas lamaan
[ I am towing my soul boat] kar bozi dai myon, myeti di taar [would my God listen, help me cross] amyn tak’yn poyn zan tshamaan
[like water slow seeping through an unbaked clay pot] zuv chum bramaan ghar gatshaha [the desire to be home grips my lonely heart]
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Audio Credits: Song: Maeshravthas Janaan
Singer: Vishal Pandita
Lyrics: A.Q. Rasa Javidani
Original composer: Virender Mohan Deewan “Virji”
Composition: Music/Mixing/Mastering: Varun (i Music)
Rabab: Swastik Bhat
Translation: Vinayak Razdan
Video Credits:
In Frame: Vishal Pandita
DOP/Director/Editor: Rohit Pandit (RP Films Jammu)
Concept: Karan
Line Producer: Ashish Raina
Team RP Films: Rashika Bhat & Umesh Bhat
Poster Design: RP Films Jammu
Special Thanks: Dr. Ramesh Nirash for pheran, people at Bhagwan Gopinath Ashram Kharyaar, people at Habba Kadal, locals of Dharbagh for helping us find Zooni House, people of Rainawari, the boatmen and people of Kralpoora Budgam.
Guest post by Late Manmohan Munshi ji detailing the story of Vitasta river. He had shared it with me a decade back and wanted me to publish it by adding detailed maps, images and illustrations. It was quite a task, I wasn’t sure if I could do it and then I forgot about it, but I think the work is finally complete. Manmohan Munshi ji passed away last year.
According to Nilmatpurana it was Sati daughter of Himal Parvata consort of Shiva who was called Uma in Vaisvara Antra and is the same goddess as Vitasta and the same is Kasmira. The Goddess Vitasta is verily the holy river remover of all sins. People who offer their bodies to, or die within its water in their bellies reach heaven without any hindrance. Those persons who take bath in Vitasta do not see even in dreams the tortures of Hell. Vitasta gives protection with her hands to the evil doing sinners falling into the hell. Fire of hell is pacified with cool outpourings of the drops sent from the waves of Vitas carried by the wind,. A person merely listening to the glory of Vitasta goes free from sins. The only thing that Ganga has more that of Vitasta are the heaps of bones of human beings all other things are equal. The river draining the entire Kashmir Valley called by Kashmiris as “Vyath” is the direct derivative of the original Sanskrit name Vitasta. The intermediary Prakit from Vidasta was altered by Greeks to Hydaspes. Vitasta is also mentioned in the river names of Rigveda. In Vayupurana, Vitasta has been referred as Biloda and Wular Lake as Bilodia situated south of Dumra Lohita ( Nanga Parbat)- The king of mountains. The present name Jhelum River has been adopted from the city of Jhelum besides which it flows in Pakistan . The name was brought to Kashmir by European travelers and found its way in official use otherwise the river is still known to the natives as Vyath.
Kashmiri painting collected by David J. F. Newall in 1850s and presented in his book ‘The Highlands of India’ (1882) and Preliminary Sketches in Cashmere; Or, Scenes in “Cuckoo-cloudland.” By (D.J.F. Newall.) [With Illustrations.] (1882).
route of jhelum river. 1920. You could take a doonga or a house boat for a month and this be the tourism highway from Kashmir valley. All a hundred years back.
The river Vitasta can be considered to have formed at the confluence of [i]Harspatha(Arapat), [ii] Bringa (bring) and [iii] Sandran[older name not known]. But the old holy scriptures have traced the origin of Vitasta to a more specific source. As already stated in Nilmata Purana, Harcaritacintamani and subsequently quoted in latter references Vitasta is a manifestation of goddess Parvati. After Satisar(Parvati’s lake ) was drained of its water and demon Jalodbava destroyed by Vishnu, Brahma and Maheshvara, at the request of sage Kasyapa Maheshvara persuaded Parvati to show herself in Kashmir in the form of a river to purify the Manavs (humans) from the unholy contact of Pisachas . The goddess assumed the form of an underground river and asked Shiva to make an opening by which she could come to the surface in the form of a river. Shiva by striking the ground with his trisul on 13th of Badra Shuakula Paksha from which the river gushed forth receiving the name of Vitasta, after the measure of the ditch of one Vitasti. Since then the birthday of Vitasta is celebrated on on 13th Badra Shakula Paksha. The spring from where the goddess flowed in river form became known by several names Nilanaga (Abode of Nila), Nila Kunda, Sulaghata(Trisul thrust) or simply Vitasta. The name of Varnag /Veri nag seems to have adopted at a latter stage probably after the administrative unit of Var Pargana. It is said that Vitasta disappeared from fear of defilement from the contact of Sinful men but reappeared second time by the prayers of Kasyapa at Panchasta (Panzath) in Devsar Pargana., disappeared again and reappeared at Narasima. The Goddess was finally induced to stay permanently when Kasyapa secured for her the company of Lakshmi in the form of Visoka (Vesheu) and Ganga in the form Sindhu(Sind River) [not to be confused with Indus. Sachi consort of Indra as Haraspatha(Arpat), Aditi the mother of the gods as Trikoti [probably Sandran] and Ditti as [Chandravati] mother of Datiyas [close to verinag, probably Bring]. According to another legend Vitasta made her second appearance at Vitastatra (Vethvatur) close to Verinag. Clear mention of Nilanaga (Verinag) as the birth place of Vitasta by Kalhana leaves no doubt about the tradition prevailing in his time.
Map of Shahbad, Anantnag. By Sahib Ram Kaul. 1860s. Vitasta and the springs taking birth below Panchaladeva(Pir Panchal) range. What starts as snow in mountains, melts, seeps into moulins, drops, emerges as river goddesses and spring gods at bottom. Giving birth to life in valley and a civilization.
This map is important as this is specifically map of village Gutalgund, the place with nits many spring which is/was known as actual source of Vitasta.
The place gets its name from spring of vitasta bagwati (marked on map next to big splash).
Map of Verinag Spring. Sabib Ram Kaul. 1860s.
Nilanag Spring. Verinag. Vinayak Razdan. 2014. Vitastatra Nag/Vethvatur. Early 1940s. Stein collection.Pancahasta Springs. Panzath. Early 1940s. Stein collection.
Shushramnaga (Sheeshnag), Circa 1955
Kapatesvara. Early 1940s. Stein Collection.
Akasvala (Achibal ). Circa 1915
Machbawan(Matan). Circa 1910
The rivulet of Bring is fed by springs of Trisandhya, Ardanarisvsra, and Kapartesvara(Koter). Akasvala(Achibal) feed the Harspatha (Arpat). Lidari which derives its waters from the glaciers of Koenjar and Gashbrar (Kolahoi glacier), Lakes of Shushramnaga (Sheeshnag), Tarsar, and springs of Machbawan(Matan) and other sources joins the Vitasta slightly down stream of Anantnag and flows in a single channel except in Srinagar City. In its north westerly course between Anantnag and Baramulla a distance of about 90 Kilometers , the river bed falls slightly less than seven meters in elevation. Islands if any are sandy and temporary except the one at the present Vitasta-Sindhusamgama near Shadipur which was artificially built.
Locality of Shivpora. 1903. Viewed from Gopadari Hill named after King Gopaditya, circa 3rd century AD. After him is named Gupkar ( Gopa – Agrahara (“Agrahara” + land given by Kings to Brahmins for maintenance of temples)). In late 19th century, Gupkar came into prominence as English had villa there and Maharaja was close by. Stein also studied Kashmir history Rajatarangini here in one such lodge quarter.
The most conspicuous meander of the river is located immediately south of Gopadri (Shankracharya hill) round the flood prone locality of Shivpura. The course of Vitasta has not changed during the historic times except at the Vitasta-Sindhusamgama where it was altered by Suyya the able engineer of King Avantivarman in the 9th century.Between Mahpadamsaras (Wular Lake) and Huskapura (Uskar) Vitasta flows in a south westerly direction and beyond Uskar in a west-noth-westrly direction upto Muzafrabad Kohala aree where it is joined by Krashna (Kishenganga)river. At Wular and Muzafrabad Vitasta abruptly makes south westerly due to the Synataxial bend of the western Himalayas in common with other rivers of the region. Downstream of Anantnag is located Vijayeksetra,(modern Vijbror) one of the holiest sires where temples of Shiva, Vajesvara, Vishnochakradara Ashokvehara and numerous viharas and agarharas and a university of learning [where students- scolars from countries beyond Kasmira used to come for study of Shastras, astronomy astrology and other subjects]once flourished.
Gambhira Sangam = Vitasta + (Vishav + Rembyar, Stein’s Gambhira). Gambhira Sangani of Rajatarangini. Sangam at Kakapora. Between Bijbehara and Avantipur. 2014. Vinayak Razdan. Something about the bridge from updated Rājataraṅgiṇī: “It may be noted that this crossing has a certain strategic impotence. On occasion of a rising in 1930 in parts of Jammu territory, sympathizers in the Kasmir valley took care to burn the wooden bridge by which the modern motor road from Srinagar to Banhal pass crosses here the river. It has been since replaced by an iron one duly guarded.” ~Luther Obrock (ed.) Marc Aurel Stein – Illustrated Rājataraṅgiṇī (2013)Konsar Nag. Source of Visoka (Vesheu). Early 1940s. Stein collection.
United waters of(i) Visoka (Vesheu) issuing from Kramasaras (KonsarNag) also known as VishnuPad near the tirtha of Naubandana where Vishnu, Brahma and Mashevara took positions to destroy the demon Jalodbhava and (ii)Ramanatvi (Rembyar)originating near Bhab and Nandan sars join the Vitasta along the left bank as Gambhira (the deep) at Gambhira Samgama (Sangum) below Vijbror where king Chandrapida built a Vishnu temple Gamirsvamin of which no trace is left now A few kilometers downstream of Sangum Vitasta is joined by a relatively smaller stream Chaturvedi (Narastan nala ) Below the confluence of this stream King Awantivarman founded his capital at Awantipura and built two temples Avantisvamin and Avantisvara dedicated to Vishnu and Shiva respectively. Both of these and like other temples of the valley Were vandalized by by Skindar butshikan at the end of 14 th Century. The ruins at present are testimonies to their former glory. Some of the carved stones from these temples have been used in foundation and plinth of nearby Muslim Ziarats.
Vitasta near Awantiswamin Temple, Avantipur. John Burke’s photograph from 1868
Further downstream Vitasta is joined along the left bank by Ramshu (Ramu or Kakpor Kol) rising in the Pantsal mountains by the side of the forgotten temple of Gangodbheda or Bhedagiri(Badbrar) one of the few Sarasvati temples of Kashmir. At the present village of Kakpor ruins of an old temple believed by some authorities of the time of King Khagendra the founder of Khagendapura (Kakpor) and by others as remains of the Utplasvamin, a Vishnu temple built by Utpla an uncle of King Cippatajayapida . In case the former identification is correct the ruins can be one of the oldest in Kashmir, if the latter is correct can be of the ninth century . Just opposite Kakpor on the right bank of the river is the saffron karewah and small township to Lalitpura(Letpur) founded by architect of Laltaditya. North of Lalitpur in former Viha Pargana a number of ruins of old Hindu temples at Barsu, Ladhu, Balhom some converted to Muslim Ziarats can be traced even today. The Vishnu temple of Padmasvamin built by Padma another uncle of King Cippatajayapida at Padmapura (Pampore) is also now in ruins. Stones from its ruins have been used in the construction of Muslim Ziarats.. Another Vishnu temple by the name of Samarasvamin on the left bank of the river opposite Panduchak was built by Samara a minister of King Avantivarman of which no trace is seen now. Close to Panduchak in Viha pargana is the Tirtha of Takshakanaga at Jeyyavana (Zewan ) and is visited by devotees even today especially at the time of solar eclipses .Further downstream is the temple of Merudasvamin built by Meruda a minister of King Partha.
Takshaka Naga. Zewan. Early 1940s. Stein collection.Course of Vitasta river through Srinagar. 1920
It is believed that the City of Srinagari (Srinagar) capital of Kasmira was founded by Emperor Ashoka At Pandrethan – the present cantonment of Badami Bagh when Pravarasena ii shifted the capital to Pravapura [the high ground between Kasurikabla(Khodbal) and Harparvata(Hariparbat) the old capital came to be known as Puranadisthana. The ruins of other Hindu temples around Pandrethan were seen till beginning of early twentieth century About two Kilometers north of Puranadisthana is the hill of Gopdari also known as Jeyesthirudrarodrakhyparvata (Shankracharia Hill) top of which stands the temple of Jyestherudra (Shankrcharya temple) believed to have been originally built by Jaluka of which only the outer plinth remains. King Gopadiya rebuilt the temple at a later date and also viharas of Guphra (Gupkar). The temple was repaired again by King Zainulabdin the pious muislim ruler of Kashmir in 15th Century and also by Dogra rulers of Kashmir since early 20th century since then it is looked after by the Dharmarth trust. It is believed that the temple was approachable by a stone staircase from Sudhkshikheta (Shurayar). The stone steps were removed and built into Pathar Masjid o0jn the left bank of the river near Mujahid Manzil during the 17 th century by Noor Jehan ,queen of Emperor Jahangir.
Vitasta is joined by along its right bank by Mari or Mahasirat(Tsuntkol) issuing from Jeyarudrasaras (Dal Lake) at Marisamgama which was considered as a holy Tirtha in ancient times . The island formed between Vitasta Tsuntkol and latter’s southerly flowing branch was known by the name of Maksvamin and had a Vishnu temple by the same name of which no trace is left today. Opposite the Marisamgama on the left bank of Vitasta Kippitiska or Kutkulia (Kutkol) leaves the Vitasta and after flowing in a north westerly direction bifurcates into two the right one falls back into Vitasta above Safakadal and and the left one joins Duddhaganga (Dudganga or Chat Kol) which also falls into Vitasta near Chatabal. The area between Vitasta and Kutkolia was known by the name of Katol. It is not very clear if the Kutkolia is a natural channel or manmade. It may have been build by Hindu Rulers as a defense moat after Srinagar started spreading along the left bank of Vitasta.
Zaina Kadal. Srinagar. Dome of tomb of Zaina,s mother in background.
People watching Nehru’s Boat procession from Ganpatyaar Ghat, Srinagar. May 1948.
Below the Marisamgama at the present Malyar Ghat stood the temple of Vardamanesa of which nothing is left today . A Linga serving as lamp post in a nearby Mosque believed to be from the original Vardamanesa temple was removed and installed in Malyar Temple in 1818. Immediately below Habakadal Bridge on the right bank is the Somyar temple, site of the ancient Somatirtha . Similarly situated on the left bank is Purushyar the site of ancient temple of SadaSiva. Between Haba Kadal and Fatehkadal on the right bank of Vitasta is the locality of Narparistan near Malikangan, stood the temple of Naresheri which was converted into a Ziarat during the muslim rule. Further downstream between Fateh Kadal and Zaina Kadal also along the same bank was bank was located the temple of Kalisheri which was destroyed and rebuilt as ziarat of Shah Hamdan by Sikandar Butshikan. The oldest bridge over the Vitasta in the City was known as Mahasetu it was a boat bridge like a modern poonton bridge which could be removed during emergencies like war etc. At the location of the Mahasetu Zainulabdin built the first permanent timber bridge across the Vitasta in 15 th century which came to be known as Zaina Kadal and other muslim rulers followed by building a number of timber bridges in the city and elsewhere across the Vitasta. Again on the right bank of the river betwen Zainakadal and Alikadal is the tomb of the queen of Sikandar Buthshikan and burial place for other muslim rulers known as Mazar Salatin. The Tomb which is built entirely of bricks very similar in architecture to the tomb of Bibi Jawandi at Uchchh Sharif near Multan in Pakistan. Its foundations & embankments on the riverside and material used in the surrounding walls betray it to be site of an ancient Hindu temple.
Further downstream on the same bank of the river almost touching the bridge is the Ziarat of Wyusi sahaib which also due to its foundations,embankments and the entrance appears to be site of an original Hindu temple. Nothing is known about the antiquity of these two temples/shrines. Near the locality of Chatabal confluence of Dudhaganga (Dudganga or Chata Kol) [issuing from the Pantsal Mountains] with Vitasta was the site Tirtha of Dudhagangasamgama now completely forgotten. The other temples and hindu shrines, namely Hanuman Mandir, Ghadadhar Kharyar,Malyar Raghunath temple are relatively of recent construction. However it is possible that a few of these temples like Ganpatyar were rebuilt at ancient sites.
Bridge over Kutkol canal. 1926. Starting point of Tsont Kul near Chinar Bagh. 1910Tsunt Kul. Apple Canal, 1881..Vitasta leaving Srinagar. Chattabal Weir. 1920s. Personal collection. Vinayak Razdan
Between Srinagar and Shadipur the Vitasta is not joined by any major tributary except the Sukhnag along the left bank. The Sindhu(Sind river) rising from the Great Himalaya Range south east of Amreshvara ( Amarnathji Cave) joined by glacier fed streams of Panjtarangini (Panjtarni), Amurveth(Amravati), Nehnar etc, outflows of of the lakes of Utrasaras or Utraganga(Gangabal), Koladuga,(Nandkol) springs of Sodara (Naranag) uniting into Kankavahini (krenk nadi) flowing in Nandiksetra at the foot of Harmukh mountains by the sides of Buthesvara, Jyesterudra, Ciramokana, at Kankpura (Kangan) used to meet Vitasta at Vitasta-Sindhu Samgama till the ninth century. Immediately west of the gap of Badrakhel nala between the Vudars (karewas) of Parihaspura (Paraspur) and Trigami (Trigom) close to the sites of ruined temples Vishunosvamin, Vinayaswamin about 5 Kms south west of the present confluence at Sundribavana (Naran bagh) near Parihaspura was founded by Lalitaditya as his capital which according to Kalhana excelled heaven. Lalitaditya whom Kalhana has called “Indra of the earth “ built numerous other temples Parihaskesva with the image ofVishnu in silver pearls, Mukhtakesva with golden image of Vishnu, Mahavara with Vishn’s image in golden armour. And silver image of Goverdandhara, Bradbuddha numerous viharas ,agarharas and palaces. Even his queen Kamlavati built Kamlahatta with silver image of Kamalakesva. One of Lalitaditya ‘s ministers Mitrasarmamn installed the Shivlinga of Mitresvara. Needless to say that the site of the capital Parihaspura and numerous temples was apparently chosen for proximity to Vitasta-sindhusamgama, the former being regarded as manifestation of Yamuna and the latter that of Ganga. Suyya the able engineer of King Avantivarman by his expertise shifted the location of Vitasta-Sindhu Samgama from Parihaspura to the vicinity of Sundribhavana by forcing the course of Vitasta north eastwards by construction of embankments to reclaim cultivable land fromfrom Nambals (marshes) and flood prone areas. A Vishnu temple by the name of Yogasvamin was also built by Suyya at Sundribhavana at the instance of King Avativarman. The material from the ruins of the said temple seem to have used for building of the solid masonry walls of the island with a solitary chinar tree at the present confluence [referred as Prayaga in the Vitasta Mahatmaya ] at a latter date.
Vitasta-Sindhusamgama. The Chinar tree at Shadipore in a photograph by Fred Bremner. 1905
The river in the left foreground with greyish coloured water is the Sind river and the other with the bluish green coloured water in the right background is the Jhelum. Suyya the able engineer of King Avantivarman by his skill shifted the position of Vitastasindhusamgama from Parihaspura Trigami area to its present location in the vicinity of Sundribhavana (Naran Bagh) by forcing the course of Vitasta north east wards by blocking its original course with embankments to reclaim the cultivable land from flood prone areas and marshes. A Vishnu temple by the name of Yogavasmin was also built by Suyya at the instance of Avantivarman. Photo: Manmohan Munshi
Beyond the Sangama, Vitasta continues to flow north west wards by the side of Vaskur village [Rupbhawani’s shrine) and receives the outflow of Manasaras (Manasbal Lake) at Sumbal, and after passing Jayapura (Indrakoot) enters the Mahapadmasaras (Wular lake). The ruins of the ancient buildings and temples at Jayapura founded by King Jayapida on an island like raised ground among the nambals (marshes) south of Sumbhal were seen up o the middle of 20th century. King Jayapida also built the castle of Bayokota on the peninsulalike ridge Dwarpati with three images of Buddah and a temple of Jaya devi. According to Kalhana inner town of the castle excelled heaven in beauty. According to an ancient legend the site of Mahapadamsars was occupied by a wicked Naga Sadangula who was exiled by the Naga king Nila to Darvisara . The site left dry was occupied by the township of Chandrapura ruled by the king Visvagavas.. Mahapadma Naga in the disguise of a Brahman approached Visvagavas and after securing the king’s permission to reside in the city appeared in his true form with the result that the king and his subjects had to migrate westwards to a new town of Visvagaspura.
Ruins on Zaina Lank island, Wular Lake. Kashmir. ) circa 1910. [via: Leiden University Libraries, Netherlands] The story goes that Zain-ul-Abidin was told about the existence of an island temple in Wular lake. He sent men to investigate. Some ruins and gold sculptures were found under water at the spot. The sculptures were sold and a proper island was built with a palace and a mosque atop the temple. The purpose of Island creation was not just religious. The creation of man-made islands was an ancient technique used to make big lakes navigable. The island cause wave diffraction, smaller waves do not collide to become bigger waves, hence reducing the chances of creation of giant waves (“wav jinn” in Kashmir) for which Wular was famous. This is also the reason why there are islands in Dal lake. It was here that the Persian inscription in stone bearing the name of Zain-ul-Abidin in relation to founding of the island in 1443/4 was found. The inscription reads: May this place endure like the foundation of heaven ! Be known to the world by the name of Zaina Dab! So that Zain-ul-abdin may hold festivities therein, May it ever be pleasant like his own date !
Ruler on a boat with attendants 17th century, reign of Jahangir British Museum Jahangir’s trip to Wular Lake. Island with ruins.
At present Vitasta enters Mahapadamsars (Wular lake) at the north eastern corner and leaves it at the south western corner near Suyyapura (sopore). A glance from a high mound will show that a peninsula like ridge projects into the lake . Due to continuous deposition of silts from Vitasta along the eastern side of the lake has resulted in turning the eastern side of the lake into marshes and swamps and shrinkage of the clear water area of the lake. Similar silting relatively on a smaller scale going along its northern fringes of the lake by Madhumati stream (Bandpur Nala). It can also be summarized from the fact that waters of Vitasta are silty at the inflow (especially during rains ) and clear at the outflow near Sopore. The scientific reason for this being that transporting capacity of water is directly proportional to the velocity of the current. When any river enters a lake the velocity of its current drops ,resulting in deposition of silts in stagnant and relatively low velocity of water It is corroborated from the historical facts that man made island of Jainalanka (Zainlank) which according to Jonaraja was surrounded by waters and at present is surrounded by marshes and dry land . If the silting of Wular is not checked, the great and biggest fresh water lake in the state will be reduced to a marshy land similar to Anchar,Hokarsar or Pambsar with river slowly meandering through it. In case Wular has to be preserved for future generations, an alternative between Sumbal and downstream of Sopore by passing the lake which existed in the past has to be rejuvenated through which the waters of the river will have to be regulated by a barrage/ veer during heavy rains, floods or whenever the water of the river will turn muddy thus saving the Wular lake from silting. The silts of Bandipur nala can be prevented from entering Wular Lake by construction of a cofferdam and the silts thus accumulated upstream of the dam can be removed from time to time for construction purposes.
Sopore. Early 1950s.
Vitasta at Baramulla. 2014. Vinayak Razdan
Downstream of Suyyapura (Sopore ) in Kashmir valley Vitasta receives its last major tributary along its right bank the Pahara (Pohur) draining the north western corner of the valley and being of steeper gradient and faster current than Vitasta deposits silts in the latter’s bed resulting in rise of the water level upstream. However from time to time at the site of confluence of Pahara with Vitasta silts have been removed by dredging in the recent past. Vitasta after leaving the last major town of the valley Baramula enters its mountainous course at Huskapura(Uksur) beyond which it becomes unsuitable for navigation. The name Vaharamula (Baramula or Varmul) has been derived from the ancient Tirtha of Vishnu -Adi -Vahara where Vishnu was worshiped since time immemorial as a medieval boar. On western extremity of the town near KothiTirtha till very recently a number of ruins were seen but not much is known about their antiquity.
Vitasta near Uri. 2014. Vinayak Razdan.
Between Uskar and Uri, Vitasta flows in a south westerly direction and beyond somewhatin a north Westerly direction upto Muzafrabad where it is joined by Krashna (Kishen Ganga) Kunar, Kahgan follows a southerly course up to Mangla near Jhelum forming the boundary between West Punjab and State of Jammu & Kashmir. From Mangla onwards Vitasta again heads in a south westerly direction before meeting Chandrabhaga( Chenab) near Jang-Sadar.
