Shah Hamadan/Kali Mandar, 1957

There are some photographs in Brian Brake’s 1957 Kashmir collection that I feel deserve individual attention.  This one because comparatively Babri and Hydrabad are simple.

The thought occurred to me a few years ago when I showed a few images on this blog to my Nani. Among these images was an old photograph of Mosque of Shah Hamadan and just for the fun of it I quizzed her if she knew which place it was.

From ‘The northern barrier of India: A popular account of the Jummoo and Kashmir territories’ (1877) by Frederic Drew
From ‘Pictorial tour round India’ (1906) by John Murdoch (1819-1904). 

Her answer was quick. With hands held in a namaskar she said, ‘ Kali Mandar’.

I knew the history of this place, both the oral and the written one, about the fights, about how this spot stood for both a mosque and a temple and probably a Buddhist shrine too, but this knowledge didn’t make me realize what this place would have meant for people who lived in Srinagar during a particular era. Most of the old western travelogues I read simply referred to it as the Mosque of Shah Hamadan. Discussed it’s architecture and importance is discussed. In one book, ‘Houseboating in Kashmir’ (1934), an angrez woman, Alberta Johnston Denis, probably finding ‘men only’ policy of the shrine incomprehensible wrote:

Shah Hamadan was holy, according to the Mohammedans of Kashmir; but whatever he may actually have been, in their loyalty to him, at least, they were intolerant. To this day, this is evidenced in the inscription, elaborately carved on the verandah over the entrance, which, translated, reads: “This is the tomb of Shah Hamadan, who was a great saint of God. Whoever does not believe this, may his eyes be blinded and if he still does not believe it, may he go to Hell.” 

In one of these books, I did read about Pandits who while going about their daily business, would pass along this place, stop at a particular spot where water could be seen oozing out and bow down and wash their hands and face. The pull of a hidden holy spring. A spring of strange stories, stories of Kali Nag, an ancient spring, that apparently sprang up just at the moment when Ram killed Ravan, a spring that kids are told holds broken bits of ancient sculptures, a dark spring they say turns you blind if you look into it. Stories of flying chappals and falling gods.

An interesting account on birth and survival of the spot is given by Pandit Anand Koul in his book ‘Archaeological Remains In Kashmir’ (1935):

Going up by boat, one’s attention is arrested farther on by a large building on the right bank between the 3rd and the 4th Bridges, which is called Shah-i-Hamamdan.
There is on this spot a spring, sacred to Kali. There was a Hindu temple over it which was built by Pravarasena II (110-70 A.D.) and was called Kali-Shri. The Mahall, in which it was situated, is still called Kalashpur, a corruption of Kali-Shri-pur. This temple was destroyed by Sultan Qutb-ud-Din (1373-94 A.D.) and, with its materials, he built a khanaqah. The later got burnt down twice and was rebuilt.
Soon after the conquest of Kashmir by Sikhs (1819) the Sikh Governor, Sardar Hari Singh, ordered the demolition of the mosque, saying that as it was a Hindu shrine, the Muhammadans should give up their possession of it. He deputed a military officer, named Phula Singh, with guns which were levelled towards the mosque from the Pathar Masjid Ghat, and everything was ready to blow it away. The Muhammadans then went to Pandit Bir Bal Dhar [a hero, a villian based on which Kashmir narrative you hold dear] who, having brought the Sikhs into Kashmir, was in great power, and requested him to intervene and save the mosque. He at once went to the Governor and told him that the Hindu shrine, though in the Muhammadans, was in a most protected condition and the removal of the mosque would be undersirable as it would simply lay it open to constant pollution by all sorts of people. There upon Sardar Hari Singh desisted from knocking it down.
On the wall fronting the river the Hindus have put a large ochre mark, and worship the goddess Kali there. 

The spot captured by Brian Brake in around 1957. A spot that is now claimed and hidden by a tree gone wild. Claimed by a grayness that now fills the recent photographs of Kashmir. A place very simply once claimed in speeches made in Indian parliament floor as proof of syncretic culture of Kashmir.

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Kashmir War Speak, 1948

From ‘Kashmir Speaks’ by Prithvi Nath Kaula and Kanahaya Dhar (1950), these things, a reminder, wars make for sad quotes and sadder lives. It makes spartans out of apostles and apostles out of spartans.

Above is the only known photograph of Maqbool Sherwani. Or rather an illustration based on a photograph published in the book. The original photograph, published in a Kashmir war pamphlet from 1948, was shared by Andrew Whitehead sometime ago on his website [here]. When he did it became the only online available photograph of Maqbool Sherwani. Now above posted image is going to be the second, and more in focus, image of Maqbool Sherwani available online Wherein lies an interesting fact about the way history works. And even the way web works. Back in those days poems were penned in name of Sherwani in Kashmir, novels were written in India. Acclaimed as savior of Kashmir. And yet, because of the way history shaped over the years, and because of the way it in turn shaped the opinions of those who are online now, his image is only to be found old propaganda material.

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Disjoint Images and Text

While we are still on subject of how images impact us. A related post of another impact of images, previously posted to my other blog. 

Stages in Life of a Gandhi Photograph

Photograph by great Brian Brake published in ‘India, by Joe David Brown and the editors of Life’, 1961 [complete book available at Hathi] as a visual aid to the text that deals with relevance of Gandhi in India, The Nation’s Unsilenced Conscience. It would have you believe Gandhi was alive, in heart and spirit of Indians.

As I looked at this beautiful picture, something about it made me realize that this can be a case study about  disjointedness of images, context and text. About giant sweeps of history. Of loss of footnotes. Of lost in footnotes. Of seduction by images. About loss.

One may ask why. After all it does look like a perfect picture for an article on Gandhi. Children = innocence = unsilenced Conscience. Children in love with Gandhi = The Nations’s un-silenced conscience. Simple and brilliant.

The problem is with the details. The book only tells you that it is by Brian Brake and appears courtesy of Magnum. Place where is was taken in not mentioned. No year is given. Online, the only other place where you will find this image (besides the online version of the book) is an Arabic page dedicated with love to Gandhi, his life and work. This, as often happens, after I post stuff at this blog, will not be the case for long. It will probably end up on Gandhi Love or Gandhi Hate pages on Facebook, adding a new cycle to the life of this image. And will probably be again lost in indifference of text and context.

So what is it that I know about this photograph that makes this entire setup ironic. What is it about this setup that makes me often doubt everything I read and see. Why do I want to try and rescue it from the narrative in which it is wrapped?

The little girl in green at the back is attired as an elderly traditional Kashmiri Pandit woman.

The photograph was shot in 1957 during a ‘national’ day, an Indian one, with cultural parade and all, organised under Prime Minsiter of Kashmir, Bakhshi Ghulam Mohammed in Srinagar. He was the man who replaced imprisoned Sheikh Abdullah.

Another photograph from the event shot by Brian brake.
Via: Museum of New Zealand
Although I couldn’t find the Gandhi photograph there, but the conclusion
that both very shot as the same event is quite easy to make based on the dress that children are wearing in the background.

“The close alignment of the Conference with the politics of the Congress was particularly distasteful to Bazaz. Bazaz had been moving away from Gandhian and eventually Congress politics throughout the 1930s. He had been taken aback by Gandhi’s dismissive reply to his letter asking for advice on the path Kashmiri Pandits should follow in the political movement in Kashmir: “Seeing that Kashmir is predominantly Mussalman it is bound one day to become a Mussalman State. A Hindu prince can therefore only rule by non ruling i.e., by allowing the Mussalmans to do as they like and by abdicating when they are manifestly going wrong.””

Lines about strange case of Prem Nath Bazaz From ‘Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir’ by Chitralekha Zutshi. Prem Nath Bazaz was later exiled from Kashmir (after differences with Sheikh Abdullah) to Delhi and spent his later life advocating Kashmir’s merger with Pakistan, returning only in 1970s after Shiekh-Indira accord to help Janta Party and attempting to create a democratic opposition to Shiekh.

Looking now at the grand narratives of the national myths of India, Pakistan and Kashmir, and looking at the realities as they often dwell on hard ground. where these myths crumble into incoherent bits and pieces, one does tend to agree, history is a nightmare. And that there is no waking up from it. For it is a nightmare within a nightmare. It is narratives ingesting narratives, facts ingesting fiction, fiction vomiting facts. An on top of it, it is always a book with a beautiful cover.

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A panel from an old Indian comic based on story of Rupinika, from Somadeva’s Katha Sarit Sagara (The Ocean of Streams of Story)

 
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Untitled Post

[…] the system of the colonial rule that indulges in inhuman exploitation by imposing an artificial peace in the society:

Ghoom rahi sabhyata danavi, shanti-shanti karti bhootal mein,
Poochhey koi, bhigo rahi wah kyon apne vishdant garal mein.
Tank rahi hon sooyi charm, par shant rahen ham, tanik na dolen;
Yehi shanti, gardan katthi hon, par hum apni jeebh na kholen.
Bolein kuchh mat kshudhit, rotiyan shwan chin khayen yadi kar se,
Yehi shanti, jab we aayen, hum nikal jaayen chupke nij ghar se
Choos rahe hon danuj rakth, par hon mat dalit prabudh kumari!
Ho na kahin pratikaar paap ka, shanti ya ki yeh yudhh kumari.

(The monster civilization moves, urging peace on the earth,
Let’s ask, why does it soak its teeth in poison.
You sew up our skin, but desire peace and no resistance from us
This is the peace, where necks are severed, but expects us to be tongue-tied.
The hungry should remain voiceless, even if the falcon snatches food from their hands
This is the peace, where when they invade, we should quietly leave our homes
The monsters may be sucking their blood, but don’t want the oppressed to be conscious
They do not want injustice to be resisted; for you, O maiden, either this peace or war.)

~ from ‘Ramdhari Singh Dinkar: Makers of Indian Literature’, Sahitya Akademi.

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The King of Kashmir dispenses justice

The King of Kashmir dispenses justice, late 13th century, (early 15th century). Marco Polo (1254-1324). Here the king of Kashmir watches a beheading by sword. On the right scholars teach and meditate in the hills.
Came across it in “Le Livre des Merveilles de Marco Polo” (Book of Marvels of Marco Polo). Can be found at gallica.bnf.fr

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Selling Smoke and Pipe Dreams, 1852

Thus, Cannabis Indica grows higher, stronger, and more luxuriantly in Cashmere than in the plains of India, and has been monopolized by the Cashmerean government. The churrus is prepared from it, and sold in India, where it is mixed with tomakoo (tobacco), and used for the purpose of producing intoxication, principally by the faqueers, who smoke it through the hooka. Besides the hemp-plant, two other valuable productions of the country, saffron (Crocus sat.) and the putchuk-root (Costis nigr. Cashm.) have been monopolized by the government. Notwithstanding this fact, and the proximity of the country, it is stated in the Bengal Dispensatory,p.692 [O’Shaughnessy. 1841],”Putchuk-root is brought from Lahore, where it is called koot, it is of unknown origin; it is chiefly exported to China, where it is used as incense,”

~ ‘Thirty-five Years in the East: Adventures, Discoveries, Experiments, and Historical Sketches, Relating to the Punjab and Cashmere; in Connection with Medicine, Botany, Pharmacy, Etc.’ (1852) by John Martin Honigberger, physician in the court of Ranjeet Singh at Lahore.


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Apropos a place called Mujgund,
and a good samaritan Charsi at Tsrar.
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Mad sons of Freud on Er. Suyya

#fail
The kind of hacks Freud spawned. Yet, Freud’s impact on people and their way of interpreting stories, written and oral, can’t be ignored. 
Here is ‘A Birth of the Hero Myth from Kashmir’ by Captian M. R.C. Macwatters (based at Lucknow) in International Journal of Psycho-Analysis. Volume II, Sept-Dec 1921. [via archive.org]:

The Valley of Kashmir is a wide alluvial plain which to this day is liable to disastrous floods because at its outlet the main river escapes through a narrow gorge which obstructs the escape of any considerable accumulation of water. In fact the whole valley is almost as dependent as Holland on its drainage and other engineering works.
The first serious attempt to protect it by dams and drainage operations was made by Suyya in the ninth century and an account of his exploits is given by a historian named Kalhana who wrote three centuries later. Although much of his story appears to be historical, the account of Suyya’s origin is a typical birth-myth, which utilizes a part of his engineering exploits for its symbolic expression. Kalhana recounts how such protective works as already existed had been neglected by a series of kings until the reign of Avantivamam and how famine had come upon the land in consequence. He then proceeds as follows: 
Chapter V, Paragraph 72. Then through the merits of Avantivamam there descended to earth the Lord of Food himself, the illustrious Suyya to give fresh life to the people. 
73. The origin of the wise man was not known, and his deeds which deeds which made the world wonder proved that though [he appeared] in the fourth period (Yuga) he was not bom from a [woman’s] womb
74. Once a Candala woman, Suyya by name, found when sweeping up a dust heap on the road a fresh earthen vessel fitted with a cover. 
75. Raising the cover she saw lying in it a baby, which had eyes like two lotus leaves and was sucking his fingers. 
76. ‘Some unfortunate woman must have exposed this lovely boy‘ Thus she thought in her mind, and then from tenderness her breasts gave milk. 
77. Without defiling the child with her touch she arranged for his keep in the house of a Sudra-nurse and brought him up. 
78. Taking the name of Suyya he grew into an intelligent [youth] and having learned his letters became a teacher of small boys in the house of some householder. 
79. As he endeared himself to the virttious by observances in regard to fasts, bathing and the like, and showed a brilliant intellect, men of sense kept around him in assemblies. 
80. When these were complaining in their conversation of the flood calamity he said ‘I have got the knowledge [for preventing it] but what can I do without means?’ 
81. When the King heard through spies that he was saying these words persistently, as if he were deranged In his mind, he was surprised. 
82. The King had him brought up and questioned him about this saying. He calmly replied also in the royal presence ‘I have got the knowledge.’ 
83. Thereupon the Lord of the Earth, though his courtiers declared him (Suyya) crazy, was anxious to test that knowledge and placed his own treasures at his disposal. 
84. He took many pots full of money (dinnara) from the treasury and embarking on a boat proceeded in haste to Madavarajya. 
85. After dropping there a pot full of money at a village called Nandaka which was submerged in the flood he hurriedly turned back. 
86. Though the councillors said ‘that Suyya is surely only a madman’ the King when he heard this account became interested in watching the end of these proceedings. 
87. On reaching in Kramajya the locality called Yaksadara he threw with both hands money (dinnara) into the water. 
88. 89. There where the rocks which had rolled down from the mountains lining both river banks had compressed the Vitasta and made its waters turn backwards the famine stricken villagers then searched for the money, dragged out the rocks from the river, and thus cleared the [bed of the] Vitasta. 
90. After he had in this manner artfully drained off that water for two or three days, he had the Vitasta dammed up in one place by workmen. 
91. The whole river which Nila produced was blocked up by Suyya for seven days by the construction of a stone dam — a wonderful work. 
92. After having the river bed cleared at the bottom and stone walls constructed to protect it against rocks which might roll down he removed the dam. 
93. Then the stream flowing to the ocean set out on its course in haste as if eagerly longing for the sea after its detention. 
94. When the water left it the land was covered with mud and with wriggling fishes and thus resembled the [night] sky which when free from clouds displays black darkness and the stars. 
96. The river with its numerous great channels branching off from the original channel appeared like a black female serpent which has numerous hoods resting on one body. 
Following the example of Otto Rank in ‘The Myth of the Birth of the Hero‘ those points which are common to many such myths are printed in italics. Their analysis has been fully worked out by him and need not be dealt with here, but several features of the present story are worthy of mention. 
We may infer that the hero’s real father is the King. It is true that the phrase which attributes his origin to the merits of the King is a common expression in the flattery of oriental courtiers who attribute all fortunate events to the auspiciousness of their ruler, but we may interpret it as an implication of parenthood also, especially as the scene in which the King receives and welcomes him is very reminiscent of the scenes of reconciliation in other hero-myths. The hostility between father and son is not obvious but is perhaps hinted at in the neglect, not of the King but of his predecessors, and in the activity of his spies. The hostility of the courtiers must surely stand for the hostility between the hero and his brothers. Several points in the story show reduplication, for example he is found in a pot and embarks in a boat upon the water, these symbolising the same idea, and the first foster mother, like Pharoah’s daughter, hands him over to a second. 
We see the expression of a number of childhood fantasies in the tale. The hero boasts insistently ‘I have the knowledge’ and that even in the presence of the King (father). Just so would the child like to be able to boast of sex-knowledge even to his father but cannot, and even when he has the knowledge he lacks ‘the means’. Whereas in some fantasies it is the father who denies knowledge and power to the son, here the father encourages the one and provides the other (wish-fulfillment). Sir Aurel Stein’s notes on the word ‘dinnara’ here used for money are interesting. A dinnara is a unit of value so small that it was more likely a cowrie than a metal coin (and lends itself therefore to identification with seed) while the ideas of money and grain are largely interchangeable since payments were more often made in grain than in coin even up to recent times in Kashmir. 
The ‘infantile theory’ of generation from faeces comes to expression through the dust heap where he is found and through the mud which covered the land and swarmed with wriggling fishes. 
We find also an expression of the common fantasy of being one’s own father. The Hero engages in certain interesting operations at the outlet of the valley where he scatters money (or seed), as a result of which there is an accumulation of the waters for seven days, or if we allow ourselves to add the two or three days mentioned in verse 90, a total period of 9 or 10 days corresponding to the 9 months or 10 moons of pregnancy, and he achieves this result by the erection of a dam whose solidity the’ story emphasises, ‘a wonderful work’ indeed! In the opening sentence we are told that he ‘came to give life’ which he does by fertilising Kashmir, his mother-land. 


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On scribbled walls of Shankracharya

From
 ‘Indian pages and pictures: Rajputana, Sikkim, the Punjab, and Kashmir’ (1912)
by Michael Myers Shoemaker (1853-1924)

If you have been atop the hill, if you have seen the temple, and if you have wondered about those names scribbled on its periphery wall, if you have wondered about ‘-Akbar-Ramesh-Suresh-‘ craved on its walls, read this passage by Augusta E. King from ‘The diary of a civilian’s wife in India, 1877-1882 (1884), Volume 2’ describing her visit to the temple:

“I had thought that the practice of writing one’s name on walls was confined to English and Americans, or the European nations. But here in this Hindu temple were  thousands of Hindu autographs, and it is evidently the proper thing for any pious Hindu, who can write his name, to do so on these walls.”

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Here’s another chapter On scribbled walls of Shankracharya:

“Some people commit an unpardonable offence by scratching in with knives their names or other idle scrawls in with knives their names or other idle scrawls on the walls of ancient buildings, and visitors are misled by them. Even an antiquarian like Dr.Fergusson was misled by one of such scratchings on the staircase of this temple,”A.H. 1069”, and he, therefore, concluded that the temple was commenced “by a nameless Hindu in honor of Shiva during the tolerant reign of Jahangir”! There were also scratchings of the same nature inside the temple upon the pillar to its south-west, stating that “the idol was made by Haji Hushti, a Sahukar, in the year 54 of the Samvat era”, while at the foot of the same pillar there was another scratching stating that “he who raised this temple was Khwaja Rukn, son of Mir Jan in the year___.” Islam was unknown in that remote period when this temple was built, so there could not have been a Khwaya or a Mire then. Nor would have a Muhammadan built a temple as his own nor would he have used Sambat era for its erection.”

~ Pandit Anand Koul from his book ‘Archaeological Remains In Kashmir’ (1935)

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Example of Fergusson’s finding getting quoted by a western traveler:

~Rough notes of journeys made in … 1868,’69,’70,’71, ’72 &’73 in Syria, down the Tigris, India, Kashmir, Ceylon, Japan [&c.].

Kashmir Ngram

Google Books Ngram Viewer lets you look up usage of a word or a phrase in various books in their Google Books database, a “mammoth database culled from nearly 5.2 million digitized books available to the public for free downloads and online searches, opening a new landscape of possibilities for research and education in the humanities . . . It consists of the 500 billion words contained in books published between 1500 and 2008 in English, French, Spanish, German, Chinese and Russian.”

Ngram for ‘Kashmir’ in English spreads out like this:

A closer look at the years:

The first travelogues. A sudden discovery of paradise. Lull. Scholarly pieces, a close look begins.
Starts with Travel guides, middles at the start of conflict. Stays in a cycle of ebb and flow. A new crescendo in  80s.
After a high, only fall. By end of 2008 Kashmir is almost back to 1988 level.

Wild guess: Post 2008, it find a new peak matching 1990. 
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