The Valley of Kashmir is a wide alluvial plain which to this day is liable to disastrous floods because at its outlet the main river escapes through a narrow gorge which obstructs the escape of any considerable accumulation of water. In fact the whole valley is almost as dependent as Holland on its drainage and other engineering works.
The first serious attempt to protect it by dams and drainage operations was made by Suyya in the ninth century and an account of his exploits is given by a historian named Kalhana who wrote three centuries later. Although much of his story appears to be historical, the account of Suyya’s origin is a typical birth-myth, which utilizes a part of his engineering exploits for its symbolic expression. Kalhana recounts how such protective works as already existed had been neglected by a series of kings until the reign of Avantivamam and how famine had come upon the land in consequence. He then proceeds as follows:
Chapter V, Paragraph 72. Then through the merits of Avantivamam there descended to earth the Lord of Food himself, the illustrious Suyya to give fresh life to the people.
73. The origin of the wise man was not known, and his deeds which deeds which made the world wonder proved that though [he appeared] in the fourth period (Yuga) he was not bom from a [woman’s] womb.
74. Once a Candala woman, Suyya by name, found when sweeping up a dust heap on the road a fresh earthen vessel fitted with a cover.
75. Raising the cover she saw lying in it a baby, which had eyes like two lotus leaves and was sucking his fingers.
76. ‘Some unfortunate woman must have exposed this lovely boy‘ Thus she thought in her mind, and then from tenderness her breasts gave milk.
77. Without defiling the child with her touch she arranged for his keep in the house of a Sudra-nurse and brought him up.
78. Taking the name of Suyya he grew into an intelligent [youth] and having learned his letters became a teacher of small boys in the house of some householder.
79. As he endeared himself to the virttious by observances in regard to fasts, bathing and the like, and showed a brilliant intellect, men of sense kept around him in assemblies.
80. When these were complaining in their conversation of the flood calamity he said ‘I have got the knowledge [for preventing it] but what can I do without means?’
81. When the King heard through spies that he was saying these words persistently, as if he were deranged In his mind, he was surprised.
82. The King had him brought up and questioned him about this saying. He calmly replied also in the royal presence ‘I have got the knowledge.’
83. Thereupon the Lord of the Earth, though his courtiers declared him (Suyya) crazy, was anxious to test that knowledge and placed his own treasures at his disposal.
84. He took many pots full of money (dinnara) from the treasury and embarking on a boat proceeded in haste to Madavarajya.
85. After dropping there a pot full of money at a village called Nandaka which was submerged in the flood he hurriedly turned back.
86. Though the councillors said ‘that Suyya is surely only a madman’ the King when he heard this account became interested in watching the end of these proceedings.
87. On reaching in Kramajya the locality called Yaksadara he threw with both hands money (dinnara) into the water.
88. 89. There where the rocks which had rolled down from the mountains lining both river banks had compressed the Vitasta and made its waters turn backwards the famine stricken villagers then searched for the money, dragged out the rocks from the river, and thus cleared the [bed of the] Vitasta.
90. After he had in this manner artfully drained off that water for two or three days, he had the Vitasta dammed up in one place by workmen.
91. The whole river which Nila produced was blocked up by Suyya for seven days by the construction of a stone dam — a wonderful work.
92. After having the river bed cleared at the bottom and stone walls constructed to protect it against rocks which might roll down he removed the dam.
93. Then the stream flowing to the ocean set out on its course in haste as if eagerly longing for the sea after its detention.
94. When the water left it the land was covered with mud and with wriggling fishes and thus resembled the [night] sky which when free from clouds displays black darkness and the stars.
96. The river with its numerous great channels branching off from the original channel appeared like a black female serpent which has numerous hoods resting on one body.
Following the example of Otto Rank in ‘The Myth of the Birth of the Hero‘ those points which are common to many such myths are printed in italics. Their analysis has been fully worked out by him and need not be dealt with here, but several features of the present story are worthy of mention.
We may infer that the hero’s real father is the King. It is true that the phrase which attributes his origin to the merits of the King is a common expression in the flattery of oriental courtiers who attribute all fortunate events to the auspiciousness of their ruler, but we may interpret it as an implication of parenthood also, especially as the scene in which the King receives and welcomes him is very reminiscent of the scenes of reconciliation in other hero-myths. The hostility between father and son is not obvious but is perhaps hinted at in the neglect, not of the King but of his predecessors, and in the activity of his spies. The hostility of the courtiers must surely stand for the hostility between the hero and his brothers. Several points in the story show reduplication, for example he is found in a pot and embarks in a boat upon the water, these symbolising the same idea, and the first foster mother, like Pharoah’s daughter, hands him over to a second.
We see the expression of a number of childhood fantasies in the tale. The hero boasts insistently ‘I have the knowledge’ and that even in the presence of the King (father). Just so would the child like to be able to boast of sex-knowledge even to his father but cannot, and even when he has the knowledge he lacks ‘the means’. Whereas in some fantasies it is the father who denies knowledge and power to the son, here the father encourages the one and provides the other (wish-fulfillment). Sir Aurel Stein’s notes on the word ‘dinnara’ here used for money are interesting. A dinnara is a unit of value so small that it was more likely a cowrie than a metal coin (and lends itself therefore to identification with seed) while the ideas of money and grain are largely interchangeable since payments were more often made in grain than in coin even up to recent times in Kashmir.
The ‘infantile theory’ of generation from faeces comes to expression through the dust heap where he is found and through the mud which covered the land and swarmed with wriggling fishes.
We find also an expression of the common fantasy of being one’s own father. The Hero engages in certain interesting operations at the outlet of the valley where he scatters money (or seed), as a result of which there is an accumulation of the waters for seven days, or if we allow ourselves to add the two or three days mentioned in verse 90, a total period of 9 or 10 days corresponding to the 9 months or 10 moons of pregnancy, and he achieves this result by the erection of a dam whose solidity the’ story emphasises, ‘a wonderful work’ indeed! In the opening sentence we are told that he ‘came to give life’ which he does by fertilising Kashmir, his mother-land.
Rise of Native Judge Sambhunath Pandit
~ India by Sir John Strachey (1888).
Sambhunath Pandit was the first Indian Judge of the High Court of Judicature at Fort William. His wikipedia entry would tell you nothing about the way his rise was advertised by the Empire.
Here’s the entry against his name from ‘Dictionary of Indian Biography’ (1901) by C. E. Buckland:
SAMBHUNATH PANDIT (1820-1867)
A Kashmir Brahman, whose family had settled in Oudh, and a branch had been settled in Bengal for some generations : son of Sadasib Pandit : born in Calcutta, 1820 : educated at Lucknow, Benares, and the Oriental Seminary : beginningas an assistant to the Sadr Court Record-keeper on Rs. 20 a month, he rose, from being a Pleader, to be Junior Government Pleader, 18 3 : Senior, 1861 : Law Professor at the Presidency College, 1855 :and the first Native Judge of the High Court, Calcutta, 1863-7 : died June 6,1867 : an authority on Hindu law, and questions of land tenure.
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I am not coming up with these funny stories. I am not even challenged to apply my imagination here. These stories have all been already written. There is a street in Calcutta named after this man. Kashmiris visiting the city may want to check it out next time they visit that part of the world. And right now I can’t think of a street in Srinagar named after a Pandit.
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Entering Srinagar, 1935
Presently we struck the main road, metalled and straight. Notices in English flicked past in the headlights. ‘Srinagar’ said the driver, waving his hand towards the suddenly constellated darkness ahead of us; and soon we honked into crowded streets. ‘Escape Me Never’ said a hoarding, speaking aptly enough for civilization; the names of Bergner and of Beery figured largely. Srinagar was much bigger than we had imagined it.
So was the hotel. Its imposing portals loomed up and abashed us. Painfully conscious of uncouthness, of dusty clothes and blackened faces, we entered almost surreptitiously; and saw at once that we had chosen a bad moment to do so. People were gathering in the lounge for dinner. Alas for out vision of the little dining-room. the Punches propped informally! Everyone was in evening dress. Anglo-India, starched and glossy, stared at us with horror and disgust. A stage clergyman with an Oxford voice started as though he had seen the devil. A hush, through which on all sides could be heard the fell epithet ‘jungly,’ descended on the assembled guests. We were back in Civilization.”
~ News from Tartary: A Journey from Peking to Kashmir (1936) by Peter Fleming. For those who don’t know Peter Fleming was the younger brother of famous Ian Fleming of James Bond fame.
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Precious, my Jooti!
river of chappals. Noida. |
Noor Jahan built a Masjid in Srinagar near Zaina Kadal opposite Shah Hamdan mosque.. Unlike other Majids in Kashmir the time, this Masjid was made of stone or Pathar, and hence came to be known as Pathar Masjid. The story goes that on completion of the Mosque, a Mulla asked her how much did it cost her. It is said that in her response the Shia Empress of India pointed to her shoe or Jooti. Mulla in response is said to have decreed the Masjiid unfit for praying. So goes the story of a building that in Sikh era was used as a granary.
Now, here is another story of a Jooti response from another place, another time, another precious and same context. From history of Koh-i-noor told by Erich von Schonberg in ‘Travels in India and Kashmir’ (1853):
After a long chapter of accidents, the koh-i-noor was brought to Lahore in 1812, by Schah Schujah, when he sought the protection of Runjeet Singh. Runjeet had heard a great deal of the stone, and though he was no judge of jewels, he earnestly desired the possession of this one, and was determined to leave no means untried to gratify his wishes.
Wuffa Begum, the wife of Schah Schujah, lived at Schadirah. Runjeet sent to demand the jewel of her, but she declared that she had it not.
This answer did not satisfy the Sikh ; he ordered that all her jewels should be seized, and brought to Lahore. Many of these were of such great beauty, that Runjeet believed that the koh-i-noor must be amongst them ; but having afterwards discovered his error, he ordered the begum to be closely watched. Nobody was allowed to go in or out of her palace without being searched ; and Runjeet let her know that nothing would satisfy him but the possession of the koh-i-noor.
The begum sent him a beautiful ruby. This stone exceeded in splendour anything the maha-rajah had ever seen, and he now believed that he really beheld the koh-i-noor. But as he was himself unable to estimate the value of jewels, he sent for a man who was conversant in such things, and who besides had seen the great “mountain of hght.” The Sikh displayed befere the connoisseur a great number of jewels, and asked which of these was the koh-i-noor? The man replied that the koh-i-noor was not amongst these stones, and that all he saw there were insignificant, compared with that great gem.
‘Shoes including Kashmiri shoes of green leather’ from Provincial geographies of India (1913) Runjeet’s anxiety to possess this treasure was now greater than ever. He tried what starvation could do, but the begum endured the trial unmoved. He then changed his mode, and tried persuasion and arguments. The begum promised to give the koh-i-noor, if her husband, who was then imprisoned at Lahore, should be set free. This was done, but some other conditions of the agreement were left unfulfilled. Runjeet demanded the jewel; the begum said that it had been pledged to a merchant in Kandahar. This was an evasion. Starvation was again tried, but in vain. New severities were about to be exercised, when the Schah promised that on a certain day, the koh-i-noor should be delivered to Runjeet Singh.
The day appointed for this important transfer was the 1st of June, 1813. The maha-rajah came to the place of meeting, accompanied by some trusty friends, nor did he forget to bring connoisseurs, to whose inspection the jewel should be submitted. When the Sikhs entered the hall where the schah and his friends were assembled, mutual greetings were exchanged,after which a death-like stillness prevailed. An hour passed in this manner, when Runjeet, who was impatient, made a sign to one of his friends, intimating a desire that he should remind the schah of the object of his visit. The schah made a signal to a slave, who retired, and returned in a few minutes with a little packet which he laid on the carpet, at an equal distance from the maha-rajah and the schah. Having done this, he returned to his place, and all were again silent. There is no saying how long the company might have remained mute, if Runjeet had not made a sign to one of his adherents, who, rising, lifted the packet, unfolded the wrappings, and revealed the koh-i-noor.The precious gem was recognised by those who had come for that purpose, and the maha-rajah was satisfied. Delighted at the sight of this splendid prize, he turned to the schah, and inquired what the stone was worth. The answer was, “Djuty.”
Selling ‘Gola Boots’ at Lal Chowk, Srinagar This word djuty has many significations. It means shoes, and is used in India to express the infliction of a disgraceful and deserved punishment. “I will give thee shoes,” ” I will beat thee with shoes,” is a threat that implies the utmost contempt. Besides this, djuty, or dhjuty, has other meanings, which may be expressed by a slight difference in the pronunciation. In one sense, it implies lies, deceit, disgrace, treachery, insult, mockery, jesting. In another sense the word signifies war, battles, &c.”
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A description of the mosque is provided by Godfrey Thomas Vigne, an English traveller who visited Kashmir in 1835. In his book ;Travels in Kashmir, Ladak, Iskardo, the Countries Adjoining the Mountain-Course of the Indus, and the Himalaya, north of the Panjab with Map’ (1844), he writes:
“Nur Jehan Begum (the light of the world), the Nur Muhul (the light of the palace) of Lallah Rookh, is the most renowned name in the valley, that of her august consort, Jehan Gir, not excepted. In spite of the more authentic story of her birth which is to be found in Ferishta, the Kashmirians would have us believe that she was a native of the valley: a daughter of the Malek of Chodra, a large ruined village in the centre of the centre of the southern side of the valley, and situated on the Dud Gunga (milk river). The only fact that that I heard that I heard of, that could be any possibility be brought forward in support of this assertion is, that near Chodra there are some ruins, said to be those of a house that once belonged to her; but in which there is nothing in any way remarkable. I have already oticed the palaced at Vernag and Shahbad, which were built by here or her husband. The Musjid, or new mosque, in the city, was built by her, and is, in fact, the only edifice of the kind that can vie in general aspect and finish with the splendour of the Moti Musjid, or the pearl mosque, at Agra. A handsome flight of stone steps leads from river to the door of the courtyard, which surrounds it. The interior of the building is about sixty-four yards in length, and of a proportionate width, the roof being supported by two rows of massive square piers, running through the entire length of the building, the circular compartments between them being handsomely ribbed and vaulted. When I was in Kashmir it was used as a granary or storehouse for rice.”
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Kashmiri Boatmen on Tawi
The ‘biblical’ imagining of Kashmiri Boatmen. |
If on a Jammu bound train you have run into people who ask you if it is going to be cooler once the train reaches Jammu, if they are going to see snow, the mountains, the lakes, the rivers, if your answer has always been a mad laugh, read this blunder of a passage from ‘India, pictorial and descriptive’ (1888) by William Henry Davenport (1828-1891):
“The capital of Kashmir is situated on the Towi, a tributary of the Chenab. It is a place of considerable trade, communication with the riverine district being maintained by water. The Kashmir boatmen are a strong and hardy race, and manage their clumsy craft with much dexterity.”
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On scribbled walls of Shankracharya
From ‘Indian pages and pictures: Rajputana, Sikkim, the Punjab, and Kashmir’ (1912) by Michael Myers Shoemaker (1853-1924) |
If you have been atop the hill, if you have seen the temple, and if you have wondered about those names scribbled on its periphery wall, if you have wondered about ‘-Akbar-Ramesh-Suresh-‘ craved on its walls, read this passage by Augusta E. King from ‘The diary of a civilian’s wife in India, 1877-1882 (1884), Volume 2’ describing her visit to the temple:
“I had thought that the practice of writing one’s name on walls was confined to English and Americans, or the European nations. But here in this Hindu temple were thousands of Hindu autographs, and it is evidently the proper thing for any pious Hindu, who can write his name, to do so on these walls.”
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Here’s another chapter On scribbled walls of Shankracharya:
“Some people commit an unpardonable offence by scratching in with knives their names or other idle scrawls in with knives their names or other idle scrawls on the walls of ancient buildings, and visitors are misled by them. Even an antiquarian like Dr.Fergusson was misled by one of such scratchings on the staircase of this temple,”A.H. 1069”, and he, therefore, concluded that the temple was commenced “by a nameless Hindu in honor of Shiva during the tolerant reign of Jahangir”! There were also scratchings of the same nature inside the temple upon the pillar to its south-west, stating that “the idol was made by Haji Hushti, a Sahukar, in the year 54 of the Samvat era”, while at the foot of the same pillar there was another scratching stating that “he who raised this temple was Khwaja Rukn, son of Mir Jan in the year___.” Islam was unknown in that remote period when this temple was built, so there could not have been a Khwaya or a Mire then. Nor would have a Muhammadan built a temple as his own nor would he have used Sambat era for its erection.”
~ Pandit Anand Koul from his book ‘Archaeological Remains In Kashmir’ (1935)
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Example of Fergusson’s finding getting quoted by a western traveler:
~Rough notes of journeys made in … 1868,’69,’70,’71, ’72 &’73 in Syria, down the Tigris, India, Kashmir, Ceylon, Japan [&c.].
Daughters Of The Vitasta by Prem Nath Bazaz, 1959
In Preface to this book, Bazaz writes:
“Lest reading of the early part of the book gives rise to revivalist tendencies, I would like to say that it is none of my desires to create a mythical golden age in which Kashmiri women achieved unsurpassable glory. I am fully aware of the limitations under which they lived during the best epochs of history to advocate revival of ancient ideals and beliefs. Despite the imperfections of modern social life, there is no gainsaying that today we live in a better world where both men and women find vaster opportunities and greater freedom for the unfoldment of their potentialities. Revivalism is by no means a healthy doctrine nor can its adoption contribute to prosperity of a people. My endeavour in narrating the heroic and noble deeds of Kashmiri women is not to idolise the past but to rekindle the spirit of adventure which characterized them before was bound down in servitude.”
Beside telling story of interesting women from ancient history of Kashmir. and from not so distant past (like the fascinating story of Begam Samru, a Kashmiri Muslim nautch girl who ruled a princely state neat Meerat called Sardana and died a Christian), this book provides insight into a period when ‘naya Kashmir’ was being built and when women affairs in the state underwent a paradigm shift. Bazaz recall the early unsung pioneers who challenged the society, predominantly the Pandit community (Did you know the first film ever banned in Kashmir was due to Pandit protests?), to re-think its stand on core issues like women’s rights and education.
Prem Nath Bazaz wrote all this while living in Delhi.
Here is ‘Daughters Of The Vitasta: A History of Kashmiri women from early times to the present day’ by Prem Nath Bazaz.
Kalidas Kashmiri
Bharat Bhushan in costume drama Kavi Kalidas (1959) |
Birth-Place of Kalidasa By Pandit Anand Koul. Published in Journal of Indian History VII (1928).
THERE can be no Indian who has not heard the name of the greatest dramatist and the most illustrious poet that India has ever produced, namely, Kalidasa. The great poet, Goethe, bestows unqualified praise on his works. The richness of creative fancy of this genius, his delicacy of sentiment and his keen appreciation of the beauties of Nature, combined with remarkable powers of elegant description, which are conspicuous throughout his works, rank Kalidasa as the prince among the Oriental poets. Kalidasa’s fame rests chiefly on his dramas but he is also distinguished as an epic and a lyric poet, possessing great magic power and spell to entrance. He has written three plays – Shakuntala, Vikramorvasiya and Malavikagnimitra. He has also written two epic poems, entitled Raghuvansha and Kumarasambhava. His lyrical poems are Meghaduta and Ritusamhara. He carried ornateness to a pitch far beyond any poet’s a pitch which deserves the epithet of ‘exalted excellence’. He occupies a throne apart in the ideal and immortal kingdom of supreme creative art, poetical charm and dramatic genius.
It is, by no means, improbable that there were three poets of this name; indeed, modern Indian astronomers are so convinced of the existence of a triad of authors of this name that they apply the term Kalidasa to designate the number 3. One Kalidasa was with King Bhoja of Malva at about the end of tenth century of Christian era, about whom it is said, that he had gone to Ceylon to see the king of that island named, Kumaradasa. This king was a good poet and had sent a copy of his own poem Janaki Harana as a present to King Bhoja. This poetic work had pleased Kalidasa very much and he became anxious to make a personal acquaintance with him. He went to Ceylon and there he was staying in an old woman’s house. King Kumaradasa used to pay frequent visits to Matara and when he was there he always stayed in a certain beautiful house. During one of these visits he wrote two lines of unfinished poetry on the wall of the room where he had lived. Under it he wrote that the person who could finish this piece of poetry satisfactorily would receive a high reward from the king. Kalidasa happened to see these lines when he came to this house in Matara and he wrote two lines of splendid poetry under the unfinished lines of the king. He was In hopes that his friend king Kumaradasa would be well pleased with this and would recognize his friend’s poetry. But the unfortunate poet had not the pleasure of getting either reward or praise from the king, because the authorship of this poem was claimed by a woman in the same house, who had seen that the poet Kalidasa had written these verses. She secretly murdered Kalidasa and claimed the reward, stating that the poem was her own. But nobody would believe that the woman could have written such poetry which could have only been the work of a real poet. The king, when he saw the lines of the poetry, said that nobody but his friend, Kalidasa, would be able to understand him so well and to complete in such an excellent way the poetry which he (the king) had written and he asked where Kalidasa was, so that he could hand over to him the promised reward. Nobody knew where he was and at last search was made everywhere and, to the great sorrow of everybody, his body, which had been hidden, was found. One can hardly imagine how sad King Kumaradasa was when he heard that Kalidasa had been murdered, for he had loved him so much both as poet and as friend. A very grand funeral pyre was erected and the king lit the pyre with his own hands. When he saw the body of his dear friend consumed by the flames, he lost his senses altogether through his great grief and, to the horror of all the people assembled, he threw himself on the funeral pyre and was burnt with his friend (see page 147 of Stories from the History of Ceylon by
Mrs. Marie Musseus-Higgins).
To return to Kalidasa of our subject. He was appointed as a courtier by Vikramaditya and was greatly esteemed by him for his eminent merit. He was one of the nine gems of his court What a genius he was, may be found from the following
anecdote :-
King Vikramfiditya once composed a poetic line – Bhrashtasya ka(a)nya gatih ? meaning – What other end may not a fallen person come to ? or, in other words, the vicious wheel of vice revolves. He asked Kalidasa to complete this unfinished verse. Next day Kalidasa went purposely to a butcher’s shop whereby the king had to pass. When the king came and saw Kalidasa there, he stopped and held the following dialogue with him in poetry, which Kalidasa completed with that very line which had been composed by the king himself the previous day : –
V. Bhiksho mamsa-nishevanam prakurushe?
K. Kim tena madyam vina?
V. Madyam, chapi tava a priyam bhavatah?
K. Varanganabhih saha.
V. Vesya (a)pyartha-ruchih, kutas tava dhanam?
K. Dyutena chauryena va.
V. Dyuta-chaurya pardgraho (a)pi bhavatah?
K. Bhrashtasya ka(a)nya gatih?
V. O mendicant, do you indulge in eating mutton ?
K. What is the good of it without liquor ?
V. Do you like liquor too ?
K. Together with prostitutes.
V. A prostitute requires to be given money ; wherefrom do you
get it?
K. Either by gambling or stealing.
V. Are you addicted to gambling and stealing too ?
K. What other end may not a fallen person come to ?
Pandit Lakshmi Dhar Kalla, M.A., M.O.L,., Shastri, late Government of India Research Scholar in Archaeology, is to be thanked for the research he has recently made, fixing the birth-place of Kalidasa the sun among the poet-stars of the world – in Kashmir. He has given a new interpretation to Kalidasa’s poetry in the light of the Pratibhijna philosophy of Kashmir. He gives five following proofs from the works of Kalidasa that determine the birth-place of the poet in Kashmir:-
I. (a) Disproportionately detailed and minute physical and natural description of the Himalayas,
specially of the northern parts
of Kashmir, or more definitely, the Sindhu Valley in Kashmir.
(b) Feeling shown for, and patriotic references to, Kashmir.
II. Unconscious and spontaneous references to scenes, sights and legends of Kashmir.
III. Direct allusions to local sites and usages, social customs and conventions along with such other
miscellaneous matters as
are preferably known only to the natives of Kashmir.
IV. The personal religion of Kalidasa was the ‘Kashmir Saivism’ known as the Pratyabhijna School of
Philosophy, which has
its home in Kashmir and which was not known outside Kashmir during the
days of Kalidasa, till after its popularization by
Somananda in the ninth century A.D.
V. ‘The argument of Meghaduta points to Kashmir as the home of Kalidasa.
Matrigupta, who was appointed as king of Kashmir by Vikramaditya, is considered to be Kalidasa by Dr. Bhaudaji (see footnote on
page 83 of Stein’s Translation of the Rajatarangini). Matrigupta was no doubt, a poet, but he could not be identified with Kalidasa, because the latter was sent to Kashmir as king by Vikramaditya after only six months’ attendance at his court and he left Kashmir after Vikramaditya was dead (see Stein’s Translation of the Rajatarangini, page 95) ; while Kalidasa was with Vikramaditya at Ujjain for many years.
There is a saying current among the Kashmiris – Kalidasas chhuh panani vizih wunnan (i.e., Kalidasa falls into darkness in his own case). Proverbs prove facts which are handed down from generation to generation. The above saying goes to prove that Kalidasa was a Kashmiri. Evidently it has reference to a certain indiscretion on his part in his lifetime which must have brought him into some sort of trouble.
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Among others Hindi writer Mohan Rakesh too seems to have believed that Kalidas had a Kashmiri touch. It comes across in his Ashadh Ka Ek Din (1958) based on Meghaduta (made into a film by Mani Kaul).
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Alternative title for the post: Did Kalidas ghost-wrote the ‘Jai-tries-to-not-talk-Mausi-ji-into-offering-Basanti’s-hand-to-his-best-buddy-Veeru’ scene from Sholay?
Routes to Srinagar
Travellers in Kashmir. By Miss G. Hadenfeld |
Distance: 13 and a half miles
2. Tret
Distance: 12 miles
3. Marri
Distance: 14 and a half miles
4. Daywal
Distance: 10 miles
5. Kohala
Distance: 11 miles
6. Chatar Kalas
Distance: 11 and a half miles
7. Rara
Distance: 12 miles
8.Tinali
Distance: 12 miles
9. Ghari
Distance: 10 miles
10. Hatti
Distance: 12 miles
11. Chakoti
Distance: 15 miles
12. Ooree
Distance: 16 miles
13. Oorumboo
Distance: 11 miles
14.Baramula
Distance: 15 miles
15. Pattan
Distance: 14 miles
16. Srinagar (arrive in city after passing through suburb of Chatterbal)
Distance: 17 miles
Route 3
The Gujerat and Punch Route (when Route 1 is under snow)
13. Hydrabad (have to cross Haji Pir Pass)
Distance: 7 miles
14. Ooree
Distance: 10 miles
15. Oorumboo
Distance: 11 miles
16.Baramula
Distance: 15 miles
17. Pattan
Distance: 14 miles
18. Srinagar (arrive in city after passing through suburb of Chatterbal)
Distance: 17 miles
Distance: 13 and a half miles
2. Tret
Distance: 12 miles
3. Marri
Distance: 14 and a half miles
4. Khaira Galli
Distance: 9 miles
11.Hattian
Distance: 17 miles
14. Shahdera
16. Baramula
Distance: 18 miles
Distance: 14 miles
16. Srinagar (arrive in city after passing through suburb of Chatterbal)
Distance: 17 miles
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Route 5
Banihal Cart Road
Map of the Kashmir Valley and Jehlum Valley. From ‘The Panjab, North-West Frontier Province, and Kashmir’ (1916) by Sir James McCrone Douie.
usual hubris
Motilal Nehru Park, Agra. 2011. |
It is comical that the format of writing such pieces is still the same and has been well adopted by the freshest set of Kashmiri pundit diaspora. There are the Aryans and there are our esteemed ancestors.
“Kashmiri Brahmans – The usual surnames of the Kashmir Brahmans is Pandit. The following observations in Sir George Campbell’s Ethnology of India give an exact description of their ethnology and character :-
The Kashmiri Brahmans are quite High Aryan in the type of their features, very fair and handsome, with high chiselled features,
and no trace of intermixture of the blood of any lower race. ***The Kashmiri Pandits are known all over Northern India as a
very clever and energetic race of office-seekers. As a body they excel the same numbers of any other race with whom they come in
contact.- Ethnology of India, pp. 57-50.
The late Mr. Justice Sambhu Nath Pandit of the Bengal High Court was a member of this class. So was also the late Pandit Ayodhya Nath, who was one of the ablest advocates of the Allahabad High Court, and ‘also one of the principal leaders of the Congress.
Babu Gobind Prasad Pandit, who was one of the pioneers of the coal mining industry of Bengal, was also a Kashmiri. He amassed such wealth by the success of his enterprise, that he became known as one of the richest men in the country in his lifetime, and,
after his death, his descendants obtained the title of Maharaja from the Government of India.”
~ ‘Hindu Castes and Sects. An Exoisition of the origin of the Hindu Caste System and the Bearing of the Sects towards each other and towards other religious Systems’ (1896) by Jogendra Nath Bhattacharya.
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