In 1981 census there were about 124,078 Hindus in valley, bulk of them KP. Just 3.96 % of whole Kashmir valley population of about 31 Lakh. Down from 5 % pre-47 [In 1941 only about 85000 KPs were living in valley]. In 1981, 59449 Hindus were in Srinagar of total population of 708328. Thus about 8.39 % of Srinagar was Hindu down from 10.02% of 1971 [56,566/564,314]. In 1981, additional 0.96 of Srinagar was non-Muslim [bulk of them about 6,334 Sikhs].
Breakup of Hindus in other districts of valley.
Anantnag 24,731/656,351 = 3.76%
Pulwama 10,096/404,078 = 2.49%
Badgam 9,642/367,262. = 2.62 %
Baramula 13,513/670,142. = 2.01% [ Additional 9,806 Sikhs, this being the district with their highest presence]
Kupwara 6,647/328,743. = 2%
According to South Asia Terrorism Portal, based on media reports, in 1990 about 862 civilians were killed [According to MEA, 461 civilians killed in 1990. FIR in not more than 30+ cases] Of these about 177 were Hindu; a disproportionate 20%.
J&K State govt. figure for killed KPs in 3 decades is 216. Kashmir based KP body now gives the number as 670. Bulk of these are from year 1990. A KP civil organization in early 90s gives names, location of killed Hindus, mostly KPs. 298 killed in 1990. Of them 127 in Srinagar. Between 1987- March 1990, only 10 KPs assassinated. Yet, friends and foes alike warn of the doom impending. March onward KPs start leaving from valley. Killings start. April there is almost 1 KP killed each day. Bulk of KP leave by April. In summer 1990 genocide launched on few remaining KPs and those staying to work, May-June-July, 2 KPs killed each day. And this when bulk of 1 Lakh+ KPs had already left. By end of September 1990 KP genocide complete with change in demography of valley as only handful KPs remain who spend next few decades as nothing more than hostages.
The demographic profile of KPs tells us if KPs had stayed on and killings continued in same pattern (as later mass massacres in valley showed rate would have been much worse and no one would have been bothered), the community did not have the no. to sustain a healthy population and would have been annihilated.
In 1981, KP ethnic group had the highest no. of elderly per 100 among all the communities in entire state. It also has the lowest children per 100 among all the communities[ 0-14 years (28 percent)]. They had more old people and lesser children than any community percentage wise. It is profile of a community that on surface looks healthy but a community that is shrinking in a hostile environment but optimizing for survival by the only way it knows, adapting to modern ways. This progressive community after 100 years of struggle now had the best ratio of men to women working in state. For every 2 working men there was 1 woman. 86.6 percent women. 86.6 percent women were educated as compared to 84.5 men.
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Ref:
A Demographic Profile of the People of Jammu and Kashmir. M.K. Bhasin and Shampa Nag. J. Hum. Ecol., 13 (1-2): 1-55 (2002)
1981 Census Report
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124,078 KP may seem a small number. But, you just have to compare with right figure.
In 1981, 68376 was population of buddhists in Leh + Kargil. In 1941, the total population of the region now known as Union territory of Ladakh was about 40000 [compare with 85000 KPs in valley in 41 ]. In 1947-48, it is this Ladakh that also Pakistani forces tried to annihilate and claim. In 2011, Ladakh’s total population grew to about 274000 (H+M+Oth). And they are now a union territory. Free. By that account, it is very convincing to believe that since 1947 about 6 Lakh KPs are now floating internally displaced persons with no territory. Numbers hostage to fractions and percentage of whole valley. That should help people understand what has actually happened to Kashmiri pandits. Today there are about 6000 KPs in Kashmir.
Kashmiri Lullabies audio recorded by French travellers in 1954. Scrapped from a European archive. Voice of Mohan Lal Aima. Video Edit using footage from Penn Museum. 1950s.
When the Mughals arrived in Kashmir in 16th century, in their early writings we see them looking at it as a mythical land where the locals tell of many miraculous tales surrounding various sites riddled all across the valley as manifestations of God’s existence. They tell of miraculous springs whose waters appear, disappear, boil at will, they tell of caves with no end, they tell of mountain passes that bow to command of holy men, streams that were commanded into existence by saints and they talk about ice pole in a cave based on movement of moon. Kashmir was the land of “Hairat”/surprise.
Abu’l Fazl (1551–1602) in Akbar’s time writes in his Ain-e-Akbari about Amarnath:
Between Great Tibet and the above-mentioned parganah [Dachchhinparah,the territory along the right bank of the Liddar river] is a cave in which is an image in ice called Amar Nat. It is considered a shrine of great sanctity. When the new moon rises from her throne of rays, a bubble as it were of ice is formed in the cave which daily increases little by little for fifteen days till it is somewhat higher than two yards, of the measure of the yard determined by His Majesty [about 4.8 feet]; with the waning moon, the image likewise begins to decrease, till no trace of it remains when the moon disappears. They believe it to be the image of Mahadeva and regard it as a means (through supplication) of the fulment of their desires. Near the cave is a rill called Amraoti, the clay of which is extremely white. They account it auspicious and smear themselves with it. The snows of this mountainous tract nowhere melt, and from the extreme cold, the straitness of the defiles and the rough inequalities of the road, they are surmounted with great toil.
(Ain-i-Akbari of Abul Fazl Vol . II , p . 360)
In a Mughal painting [with Aga Khan Museum, tagged MUGHAL MEN ADMIRING THE MIRACULOUS ICE LINGAM AT AMARNATH”] from around 1600 (or later) painted in Agra we see a visual depiction of Abul Fazl’s text.
While we can see the expression of surprise on the faces on men, oddly, here the moon is replaced by sun. In the note to the painting at Aga Khan museum it is assumed the sun is meant to alude the summers when the pilgrimage to shrine begins (in fact it starts in the rainy season at end of summer). I believe the sun in this painting (and the absence of cave) is an attempt by the unknown painter to provide a “rational” explanation for the phenomena. In that sense, the painting essentially has the same function as the footnote to Amarnath section in English translation by Jarrett of Fazl’s work. There the modern reader is told in note that the ice lingam – “The ice bubble was doubtless a stalacite”. [The translator was making a guess. We now know that it is infact a stalagmite, as it grows from floor and not the roof.] Just like the english translator had the need to explain the miracle, perhaps the Mughal painter too was reading the text and trying to explain how the ice bubble could decrease in size. His explanation: the sun was melting the ice while the people just looked at miracle with awe and surprise.
Surprise and its relation with Amarnath can be seen in another painting centuries apart drawn in Kashmiri school of painting. By this time Hairat – Surpise, had come part of local lore of Herath as Shivratri (when infact Herath the festival is Hararatri)
Devotees in the Amarnath cave temple Jammu, Pahari, mid 19th century Collection: National Museum, New Delhi
Came across this painting at a miniature art exhibition in Jammu in 2011. There is a lot going on this painting: Gossains(?) drinking water (amrit) dripping from the ceiling of the cave; women devotees, one of them even carrying a child in her arms. On closer look one can see a Dejhoor dangling from this woman’s ear, a good indication that the lady depicted here is a Kashmiri Pandit woman in Pheran. And then outside all this delirious scene, one can see the Muslim Shepherds, one of them looking amused, and one of them looking outside the frame.
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“A Muslim Pilgrim Learns a Lesson in Piety from a Brahman”, Folio from a Khamsa (Quintet) of Amir Khusrau Dihlavi 1597–98. Here, a Muslim pilgrim to Mecca meets a Brahman who travels to a Hindu temple by inching his way in a series of prostrations. Impressed by this religious zeal, the Muslim removes his own shoes and continues on his way barefoot. [metmuseum]
An early exploration on theme of meeting of two different forms of “faithfuls” in Akbar era painting. The Hindu way was still strange, but it was being understood and even adopted in part. A Sufi with a dog. A brahmin on way to Somnath [which had already been destroyed and rebult, destroyed again and rebuilt again by 13th century in which lived Khusrau]. By painter Basawan. The story of Brahmin pilgrim also occurs in an early version of Laila Majnu.
Thar Thar Cham I shiver and tremble Marr Bhe Shayad think I will die Shar Mye Jigruk Drav Nye the longing in my heart remains Khoshvun Nundbon Vesiye listen friend, that beautiful lover of mine Myon Dilbar Aav nye he never came Waad Kormut Yaad Cheyno Promises you don’t remember? Saad Keychha Zaenthas A Simpleton you think of me Aad-na-ad kona thovuth why then didn’t you Myon Yi Dil Samblavnye keep this heart of mine with you? Thar Thar Cham Marr Bhe Shayad I shiver and tremble, think I will die Shar Mye Jigruk Drav Nye the longing in my heart remains Khoshvun Nundbon Vesiye listen friend, that beautiful lover of mine Myon Dilbar Aav nye he never came Chhay ruzith Zay Karthas You stayed in shadows, I withered away Kyaz tche Mathiyo Mai myani Why you forgot your love for me? Telli tChe Pheri Na Mye wantam Will you have regrets, tell me Yelli Mye metchi tal Saavnye when they put me to sleep under the ground Thar Thar Cham Marr Bhe Shayad I shiver and tremble, think I will die Shar Mye Jigruk Drav Nye the longing in my heart remains Khoshvun Nundbon Vesiye listen friend, that beautiful lover of mine Myon Dilbar Aav nye he never came Suy mein Roothum aash Yam sinz turned away has the only hope of my life sath me aesam yath dilas the only succor of my heart Rasliya wanto kas che ruthuk Hey Rasul [the poet]!, with whom are you angry? wan kamo mann naavnye Who will come to please you?
Ganpatyaar, Habba Kadal, Srinagar Shiva shrine of Vardhamanesa near Malyar linked to King Sandhimat [5th century A.D.] mentioned in Kalhana’s Rajatanrangini [12th century] and later Vitastamahatmya.
During Maharaja Gulab Singh’s rule Dogra Wazir Pannu in 1854 AD builds modern Ganpatyaar temple at the ancient site.
Ganeshal. Kulgam. Elm Trees [“Brân” in Kashmiri] worshipped as Ganesha. Worship of Bran in rural Kashmir was common and there were many such sites. The practice links nature and fertility mother worship which predates the form of Ganesha we now see
Ancient site of Bhimasvamin with Swayambhu (self-manifested) Ganesha at the foot of Hari Parbat. Kalhana in Rajatanrangini [12th century] mentions it in context of Pravarasena laying the foundation of Srinagar, [c.530–590, Late 6th century].
A Radha singing a love song in Kashmiri for Krishna. Relies on a lot of existing motifs in Kashmiri poetry. I couldn’t find the name of the original writer, but assume the writer is Prem Nath Shad as word “Shad” is mentioned at the end. This is a fresh composition by Kartik.
In Aga Khan archive there are about 1000+ Kashmir photographs by Prataap Patrose and Rita Sampat, dated to 1983. I went through them looking for KP culture. Idea was to see how the community remembers. Shared them on FB and curated comments. Sharpness of memory was surprising. People, places, even things were identified.
Comment by Vinod Razdan: [Location]Ganpatyar , the small dilapidated house was occupied by Ram Ji , Kashmiri Hindu Baker . The person on the window is late Gopi Nath Raina . The photograph must have been surely taken from the house of Late R C Pandita. [ His family was able to identify]
[Location: Badiyaar bala] Subject name: Krishan Joo Shah [Bai Lal] of Nai Sarak. His family was able to identify.Comment by Meetu Koul: This is Chandra’s house in Ganpatyar and the side of our house is also seen.These houses are in the lane opposite to the Ganpatyar mandir.And this lane leads to the kralkhud area. And the girl visible in the photo is one of their daughters.
Comment by Ramesh Sapru identifying the exact place: Safriyar HABBA KADAL Behind somyar temple
Comment by Shiban Sapru: Name of this pandit is late Ramji, the pujari of Purshyar temple
Comment by Vinod Razdan: This is Habbakadal Chowk after the front line Pandit houses were demolished to widen the road .This photograph seems to be having a commonality with one of the photographs you shared recently. [Girls are in Vishwa Bharti Uniform]
Habba Kadal
Comment by Vinod Razdan: Kharyar , near Kralkhod. At the end , it is the building where Sangeet Niketan was functioning.I know this place brick by brick ; On right hand is the Cycle repair shop who used to repair kerosene stoves too and is below the house of Sahibs . Next shop was a meat shop and the owner was Mohd Akbar . Opposite to them ( to the left of Scooterist ) was the shop of Pandit Janki Nath Koul and popularly known in the city as ” Jaan Military “
Vinod Razdan: This is also Ganesh Ghat, Ganpatyar. On the right side of the Ghat is Ganpatyar Temple Building , upstairs in front and across the road is the house of Braroo’ s , the left tall house is that of Prof.Late R C Pandita and behind it is the house of Nadir’s. [Ower Pandita family was able to identify the house]
Sanjay Raina: This was also the main tempo stand and later a matador stand as the tempo’s faded. The road ahead leading to bhan mohalla onwards to Zaiba kadal, Nawa kadal etc. Many a political speeches were made from this open chowk and I recall 1983 being the election year when Farooq Abdullah sought votes after the demise of his father . He made an infamous remark – oh battas, if you don’t vote for me, I will throw you all in the Dal lake. I was there and heard it! Terrifying.
General Elections for national assembly were coming. Message on banner: Jazba hubul watni aur kashmiriyat se sarshaar abdul rashid kabuli national conference ka parlimani umeed waar hai
Zaina Kadal
Flags: Awami Action Committee of Mirwaiz + red plough of NC. This election Mirwaiz and Shiekh had called truce. These joint flags were put out after that.
Vinod Razdan: This shop was between Kralkhod and Habbakadal near Agahamam lane. Sanjay Raina: Have spent so many of my childhood days on the Kak shops, two of them lined this lane. One Kak sahab had a smaller one and the other was much larger. In the same lane were shops selling wool that would be thronged just before the winter season would set in and also shops selling crystallized sugar and ‘sheeren’
Vinod Razdan: This is at the intersection of Badiyar Bala road and Nai Sarak just near the house of Ghulam Mohd Bhat , popularly known as Gul Raidd . He was initially a traditional rival of Tikka Lal Taploo and was contesting as Independent candidate & later joined NC.
Vinod Razdan: I was just waiting to find that someone will identify this place .In fact this lane was a connecting lane between the two lanes : one Leading to Ganpatyar and another terminating through the milk Shop owned by ” Freich Dedd” .Both lanes led to Nai Sarakon the other end.The projected link between the two houses ( Dabb) is near the house of Prof.M L Wangoo , back side of the houses were those of Vijay Garyali , Sumbli’s etc.
Vinod Razdan: These houses have contributed to the cultural and Religious aspects of the valley besides Education.The person clad in a white Dhoti was a retired Head Master in the Education Deptt .Mr Raina .Though he lived nearby Malyar but he has been caught in the picture . These houses are inside the Mohalla of Ganpatyar .The houses just facing the lane are in fact a cluster of houses owned by Kalla Parivar as there were three more houses behind these two houses owned by them ( Cousins ) .The front one was owned by Late Sh Nand Lal Kalla who was Mannager in Neelam Cinema , Shutra Shahi. The adjacent tall house was of Prof B L Kalla whose Son Sh Siddarth Kalla has been an Engineer in Doordarshan.Father of Prof B L Kalla was Sh Nath Ram Kalla Shastry whose books are still refered by Almanac Publishers of Kashmiri Pandits.The house on right side whose plaster has come off on the outer wall in the picture is that of Late Hira Lal Jattu and the house just opposite to it in the picture is that of late Smt Dhanwati ( she was then a widow ) .The house of Prof Kalla was later purchased by Sh N N Mattoo ( father of Dr Tej Mattoo, a Child Specialist ) who again sold it to a family who came from outside this mohalla and set up a shop in Ganpatyar
Raghunath Temple. Srinagar. 1983.
left: from a postcard by Lambert. Personal collection.
Surindar Koul: This is Sheshyar temple (Habba kadal). The house on right belonged to KP family ‘Channas’ .The house on left belonged to Pt. Nath ji Photographer ( Pioneer studios, Bana mohalla) Vinod Razdan: These Channas had a medical shop at Ganpatyar in Sixties .Perhaps ” Tarak Halwai ” was also nearby. Vijay Vaishnavi: my mother was regular visitor to this temple. We lived near Srikant medical shop near Ogras. Sanjay Raina: Pioneer studios was legendary. Their shop in Banamohalla as well as a shop in Pahalgam. Ashok ji, my real uncle used to run the Pahalgam outlet. What a memorable time that was.A reader shared a photograph from 2021. The houses that have new owners are freshly painted.
Guest post by Akhshar Koul, B.A. (Hons) in Archaeology from Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda.
INTRODUCTION
The first time visitor to Kashmir will really and surely be surprised to find almost every Kashmiri in the countryside carrying a fire-pot filled with burning charcoal in their hands under a long, baggy rug covering their entire bodies called the ‘Pheran’. It may sound strange to anyone and at the same time anybody living outside Kashmir would be awestruck who has no idea about Kangir, its use and its importance in winters. This ancient portable heat source is a fascination for others but necessity for a common Kashmiri.
Cultures in every part of world are, to a large extent, determined by geography and the climatic conditions of that part, among myriad other factors. It is these culturally important things, which are peculiar and unique to every geographical area that give identity to the nations or ethnicities of the world. Kashmiri Kangir is one of the cultural assets which has given identity and ethnicity to Kashmir.
Kangir – A Traditional Fire-pot of Kashmir is a unique cultural asset of the people of the valley used to beat away the freezing temperature in winters lasting usually for more than five months. It attains more significance over other modern or ancient heating appliances for being mobile, portable, affordable and durable. It is a common site in entire Kashmir valley, especially in rural areas to find people irrespective of their age, gender, economic status, moving through the streets with fire in their lap in the form of Kangir. To stave of the cold, there is no alternative to Kangir as the raw material used in its production and artisans are readily available in abundance as against other resources like electricity and LPG heaters which remains almost unavailable during the winter season.
Among the world’s most unique traditions, which are still in vogue as much as they were on the day of their first use, is the Kashmiri Kangir. Kangir is culturally specific to Kashmiris who have been using it since ages. In simple language we can say a common Kashmiri is incomplete without Kangir especially during the chilling months of winter. One of the prominent Sufi poet, Nund-e-Reush (Reshi) from Kashmir has said:
“Wandi Hamam tê Rekalé gaaw
Suai mali dunyahas aaw”
(Who has warm chambers for the winter and milk to drink
in summer and get dung to burn in winter is the most prepared one).
Kangir has been an integral part of Kashmiri people culturally as well as socially. Besides being a utility, it is an ornament to a common Kashmiri. We can relate Kangir of a common Kashmiri to the cultural or folkloric way of fighting cold.
The Kashmiri proverb “What Laila was to Majnu, so is the Kangir to a Kashmiri”. Such is the intimacy between the Kashmiri and his Kangir. This intimacy has been well illustrated by the writers, poets and thinkers of Kashmir in their literary works. The same intense relationship between Kangir and the natives of the valley has been well highlighted in a famous local poem:
“Mann me zolum lolle naaren,
Tan me zejim Kangre.
Waare warey pray khejim,
Maye lejim Kangre.”
(My inner soul is burnt by the eternal love,
And my body skin by the Kangir.
Steadily, it made me so sluggish as in incubation,
So much intimate is my Kangir.)
Generally Kashmir markets are flooded with Kangiris during the winter season mostly from the month of November up to April but the use of Kangir can be witnessed from ending September in the areas of higher altitudes such as Gulmarg, Sonmarg, Daksum etc. The tribal people living in the foothills of middle and lesser Himalayas and Pir Panjal Ranges keep Kangir with them almost throughout the year. Such people experience a very hard life but they easily and readily manage the Kangiri fuel in the wild. In fact these are the people which supply most of the coal to urban markets and earn their livelihood.
Map showing the study area (Courtesy: Google)
HISTORY AND USAGE
Wicker work, pottery and Kangir weaving art has been prevalent in Kashmir since generations. There are hardly any written manuscripts to date back its history. However there are so many indirect evidences which point towards the fact that Kangir has been there from hundreds of years back. Since Kani and Kondal are indispensable parts of Kangir, these crafts are again believed to be residing in Kashmir from hundreds of years too. When did Kashmiris started to make use of Kangir? I asked this to an artisan, Mohd. Akram Shah (Akram Kaniyul) from Tral, Pulwama in an interview. According to him, Kashmiris in the ancient times used to go to Punjab to escape the harshness of winters and do some work there to earn their livelihood. Hardly anyone would stay back in Kashmir. Amid such winter migrations some ordinary Kashmiris in a particular winter did not migrate. They decided to steeve away the cold by keeping embers filled in earthen pots without any wicker usage, which is marked as the beginning of Kangir in Kashmir. When their fellows returned back they were sure to find the non-migrant Kashmiris dead due to extreme cold. But to their surprise they saw them well and healthy and were awestruck. These people were shown the discovery which was really an innovation. Kangir certainly has evolved. It would not have been the same thing as we see it now. The artisan further said, “Well! Even the earthen pot was not baked outright. It too evolved. First the man, who said ‘no’ to migration got the pot made up of mud and dried it, filled it with embers, but it not resist the temperature and ripped apart. It was only then he got the idea of baking the pot in fire so as to make it resistant. This baked pot was called ‘Mannen’. Since Mannen was a difficult thing to carry for it would get hot and was sure to bruise the hands or the body. It were the twigs from the mulberry tree from which the people used to encase the Mannen. It was a pot in the basket like thing”.
Some historians believe that Kangiris have come to Kashmir from Italy as Italian artisans visited Kashmir during Mughal period in summers. In Italy (where a similar device was known as ‘Scaladins’) and Spain, braziers were made in a great variety of shapes and were profusely ornamented. The same historians relate these braziers to the Kashmiri Kangir. Most of the historical data, however, do not support the view point that Kangir came from Italy. There are varied viewpoints regarding the origin of Kangir in Kashmir. Some attribute it to the invention of Zain-ul-Abadin (Badh Shah) and some others relate it to Mughal Emperor Akbar.
Marc Aurel Stein an Hungarian-British archaeologist, who translated Kalhana’s Rajtarangni (River of Kings) in English, refers to a situation in volume-1 of his a fore mentioned book, “Brahmans had assembled in Gokula to decide on who should be raised to the throne in Utpalas dynasty. They had come in coarse woolen clothes with beards scorched by smoke”. He further comments that the burn marks on Brahmins’ beards were evidently left by Kangir or brazier which has been in general use since earlier times.
M.A. Stein, opined that the name Kangir has been derived from the Sanskrit word ‘Kasthangari’ (Kash-wood, Anjarika-fire embers).
Maharaja Pratap Singh (1885-1925) is believed to be the architect of modern wicker art. It was he who established the first ever wicker craft training center in Srinagar in 1914 with Mr. Andrew as its first principal who belonged to England. Mr. Andrew introduced, for the first time, the English Salix in Srinagar. He planted the English Salix trees around Bagh-e-Ali Mardan Khan marshes. Such dwarf trees exclusively yielded the Salix wicker (Vir Kani). This training center imparted wicker weaving training to many local craftsman which were called ‘Shakhsaaz’.
Oral traditions have transcended from generation to generation defining the use of Kangir from the times immemorial. The same tradition is being followed by the current generations with slightest or no alterations at the artisan level. Common Kashmiris have been using Kangir in the winter months starting from November up to April and more so during the chilling months of December and January (the period of 40 sever cold days locally called ‘Chillai Kalan’ starts from 22nd December). Usually and traditionally Kangir filled with burning charcoal (ember) is used under long baggy costume called ‘Pheran’, but nowadays it is used otherwise also under the blankets, shawls etc. Kangir being a portable heat source is also carried to the work places by the people. Generally, children and aged people are disallowed to carry Kangir outside their homes. While sitting, its use is safer compared to its use during sleep or moving outside. During the local scuffle, Kangir can prove to be a devastating weapon if thrown upon the opposite person or party. Such incidents do not very often occur but do have a rare incidence.
There have been attempts to alter the very basic structure of Kangir to make it a modernized equipment in homes and offices but the essence of Kangir could not be changed. The Kangir has always remained in its basic ancient shape with slightest modifications. In fact the local people of Kashmir prefer Kangir over all other modern appliances for the issues like expensiveness, less-availability of electricity, LPG, etc.
A Kashmiri peasant holding Kangri. 1912 from ‘Beyond the Pir Panjal life and missionary enterprise in Kashmir’ by Ernest F. Neve (1914, first published in 1912). SearchKashmir Archive
Art and Crafts Jammu and Kashmir Land People Culture by D.N. Saraf’ (1987). SearchKashmir archive.
The fuel for the Kangir, usually charcoal, is locally prepared by the people in rural areas and is supplied on relatively cheaper rates to the urban population that is again the obvious reason for a common Kashmiri to use Kangir as a general source of heat to beat the cold.
There are so many forms of coal available in the market for its use in Kangir. The user, according to the requirement chooses the quality of coal (the forms vary in size, weight, hardness etc. which directly effects its heating property) and purchases it in bulk so as to store it for the longer period of precipitation and cold.
It is a common site in Kashmir that elderly ladies loading the Kondals of Kangiris with charcoal early at the dawn and burning its upper layer by hot burnt ash, burning cardboard, saw dust or simply the burnt straw. For hard coal (which is more durable and long lasting) one needs to blow more air for its ignition which is mostly provided by mouth or hand fans. It takes about half an hour daily to prepare a Kangir and usually 3-4 Kangiris are prepared on daily basis in a family. Usually a well prepared Kangir lasts for 16-18 hours with a moderate to intense heat. When more heat is needed, the stirrer or spindle (Czalan) is used to scatter the ash and bring up the burning ember below it. In rural areas people roast pieces of meat by sticking it to the inner surface of the Kondal. The entire small sized potatoes and eggs are also roasted in the Kangir which have a unique taste different from the boiled ones.
When a Kangir its use has to be put off, a heavy round and flattened (discoid) stone is pressed upon the burning charcoal and rested there for an hour or so. This is usually done late night after its full day usage. Before preparing the Kangir next day, the left over ash and the unburnt coal at the bottom of the Kondal are discarded and fresh coal is filled in. The unburnt coal is seldom mixed with the fresh coal usually during the dearth of fuel.
The fully exhausted coal, turned into ash after discarding it is still not a waste product. It is used in kitchen gardens to cover the top soil to make it soft so that the seeds germinate efficiently and the seed viability is increased. It also increases the soil fertility and the essential nutrients of soil are continuously replenished preventing the soil nutrient deficiency for its constant use.
RAW MATERIALS AND CRAFT PRODUCTION
The Kangir is essentially made up two parts viz. earthen oval pot and the wicker case. Both these parts have local origin and are not imported from elsewhere. A craftsman needs very little but unique tools including ‘Aend’, ‘Aear’ and ‘Zelan’. The Aend is a curved and sharp edged tool meant for cutting the wicker. Aear is a pointed metal rod like tool with a wooden handle meant for making the passage for wicker through the wicker network. The Zelan is a locally made wicker peeling device which again has sharp edges.
Tools used in Kangir weaving
The earthen oval pot natively known as ‘Kondal’ is a wide mouthed earthen pot made locally by potters from fine clay and has a rounded bottom with a flat base. It is prepared by the potters exclusively for the preparation of Kangir.
Fig.5. Kondal used in Kangir
The wicker case with 2 arms and a wide base is made out of different type of soft twigs generally obtained from the shrubs growing in the wild in the countryside distributed almost althrough the valley. These soft twigs are called ‘Kani/Kane’ in the native language. The most common soft twigs (wicker) or Kani include ‘Posh-Kani’ (short and white in colour), ‘Linn-Kani’, ‘Ketzch Kani’ (dull brown in colour), ‘Viri-Kani’, ‘Geir Kani’, ‘Pakhir Kani’, ‘Puhir Kani’, ‘Fras Kani’, ‘Krele Kani’, ‘Dael Kani’ (6 ft. long and white in colour), ‘Rang Kani’ (coloured) etc. The people associated with this craft have to go miles together in the wild in search of fine and desirable wicker according to the suitability of the type of Kangir they intend to make. The wicker brought from the wild needs to be processed before its proper use. To increase the elasticity of the wicker, it is kept for days together under water which not only makes it softer but also enables the craftsman to remove their bark (peeling) easily. After this the wicker is sorted and graded according to the length and girth of twigs and the ones which are not straight are rejected. The fine, soft and peeled wicker is then sun-dried for several days and some are dyed in different colors. For weaving a Kangir the artisans need both peeled as well as unpeeled wicker for its different formations. The bushes from which the wicker is obtained are shrubby plants from which generally two harvests of wicker (Kani) are made annually. One harvest in ending May to the middle of June yields comparatively softer material and the one harvested at the end of September yields the hard wicker.
Softening the wicker by dipping it in water
There are two different phases for the production of Kangir involving the people from two different fields of art. One is pottery and other is wicker craft. For a potter to make a ‘Kondal’ the fine clay has to be well worked upon and well prepared to be given the proper shape upon the traditional wheel. It is then kiln-dried before sending them to the wicker workers.
The wicker encasing upon the ‘Kondal’ makes a complete Kangir which is the domain of wicker craftsman. They get the Kondals from the potters and start weaving the network of ‘Kani’ to cover the whole ‘Kondal’. Initially the base is woven which is called ‘Czhok’ on which rests the ‘Kondal’. From the base thick wicker are woven vertically upwards keeping regular distances in between like pillars in buildings. These upright thick wickers vary in number from ten to twenty-four depending upon the type and the durability of the Kangir. The basic number is usually ten and such Kangir is called ‘10-Puheir’ (Deh-Puheir) Kangir. Accordingly 12, 14 or 24 upright twigs used give rise to ‘Bah-Puhier’, ‘Czodha-Puhier’, ‘Czowuh-Puhier’ respectively.
The fine network of more soft and thin twigs is interwoven around these vertical twigs from the base (Czhok) upwards. The artisans use different colored twigs for different turns of weaving one upon another. The wicker interweaving around the vertical twigs from the base up to the mouth of the Kondal is a repetitive process and a fine art which is restricted to the fine hands of the Kangiri artisans. From the base up to the mouth of earthen pot, the whole wickerwork along with the Kondal is called ‘Dhad’ (Body of the Kangir).
Craftsman at work
From the mouth of the Kondal upwards, the vertical wickers give rise to the upper part of the Kangir called ‘Koup’. All the upright twigs do not form the ‘Koup’, only the ones at the designated backside contribute in the formation of the ‘Koup’. The others are cut or bent down towards the inner side in between the Kondal and the wicker encasement. The Koup is again a network of twigs, generally vertical which comprises of two handles for the hand grip tied together by a knot.
(Gand or Koup Gand) at its apex using very soft wicker twigs. From the back side all the vertical twigs are joined in threes or fours to the twin handle. At the point of junction there is a wicker ring (Kourr) at the back just below the knot to hang the ‘Czalan’, the spindle/stirrer usually made of wood (occasionally made up of metal) tied by the help of a string.
The ‘Dhad’ and the ‘Koup’ together make a Kangir. In rural areas, some poor families use only the ‘Kondal’ in place of Kangir with certain alteration. Such Kondal without any wickerwork having the handles is called ‘Mannen’.
Sketch showing the parts of Kangir
Since the basic structure of the Kangir is same everywhere in Kashmir but slight to large variations are witnessed in the makeup of Kangir at different places. Apart from spatial variations there are certain other variants of Kangir which the artisans make keeping the social and economic status and the tastes of the buyer in mind. Some well-known variants of Kangir on the basis of spatial variations are:
Bandpur Kangir
Tchrar Kangir
Trale Kangir
Herpur Kangir
Zeingir Kangir
Variants of Kangir on the basis of its structural ornamentations include:
Dabedar Kangir
Dooredar Kangir
Pachhdar Kangir
Zaeildar Kangir
Cheshedar Kangir
Mahrin Kangir
Wudd/Isband Kangir
Shishar Kangir
Tapan Kangir
Dali Kangir
Roinni Kangir
On the basis of types wicker twigs used, the Kangir can be identified as:
Posh Kangir
Linn Kangir
Kzetch Kangir
Vir Kangir
Mannen (without wicker encasement)
The distinctive qualities of Kangir vary with its different types keeping the basic essence intact. An artisan from Tchrar-e-Sharif, Ali Mohd. Dar (Ali Kaniyul) has been weaving Kangir since last 40 years with the distinction of having great expertise for the renowned ‘Tchrar Kangir’. He owes his efficiency of art to better deeds of his forefathers and relates it to the divinity. According to him and the other such workers of the area, the Kangir weaving art especially that of Tchrar Kangir is the blessing of ‘Nund Rishi’ the famous Sufi saint of Kashmir.
Mahrin Kangir
Pachhdar Kangir
Trale Kangir
Tchrar Kangir
Bandpur Kangir
Shupien Kangir
MARKETING AND CRAFTS CONDITIONS
It becomes a more cherishable virtue when any invention of great importance has a native origin and local use. Initially Kangir was only a necessity but now it has attained the status of a big venture which not only serves its primary purpose but also has a great economic impact on a large set of population who are wholly or partially associated upon this craft.
At the beginning of the season, when the slight cold begins to start, the Kangir shows its presence in the markets and with every passing day high heaps of Kangiris get continuously sold with a great demand. The artisans have to be well prepared before the onset of cold to meet the demands of the market. The full time artisans spend almost all the time throughout the year in collecting wicker, drying, processing and manufacturing the final product for being totally dependent upon this art for their livelihood.
Variety of Kangiris on display
With the betterment in the general economic condition of the masses owing to various governmental and non-governmental schemes, the artisans too have been able to upgrade their conditions as the affordability of the common consumers according to their tastes has exponentially increased. Some families have sustained their livelihood since decades solely on the wicker art by getting the raw materials themselves and then processing it and manufacturing the product on their own. They have turned the confined art into an industry and have made it an economic venture with very little investment. Such artisans have been able to change their economic status by getting better marketing facilities in urban areas which was otherwise confined to the rural habitations only. The road connectivity has contributed a lot in shaping the future of these artisans and the art itself. Kangir art is not confined to wicker artisans only but it has attained a multifaceted status in the manufacturing sector as it has directly affected the financial conditions of so many allied workers like potters, laborers, transporters, wholesale dealers and the retail sellers. Indirectly the Kangir art has also benefited the economic conditions of both local as well as non-local charcoal suppliers as with the increased demand of Kangir, the demand of charcoal is also increased.
The important constituent of Kangir, the Kondal (the earthen pot) meant for keeping the burnt charcoal is being supplied by the potters which has made it convenient to keep their art still prevalent in the valley, otherwise the pottery art would have been extinct by now. Not only has the Kangir art influenced the potters economically but also has been able to preserve this rare and cultural asset (pottery) of Kashmir till date.
With the passage of time, where the actual manufacturing cost of Kangir has almost doubled; its demand and market price has increased many fold, positively influencing the artisans’ economy and livelihood.
The market price of Kangir varies from place to place depending upon its type and durability. For a common man, a better Kangir is the one with better wicker and a big broad Kondal to last long and harbor more charcoal. There are some others who love to buy more ornamented Kangiris compromising the durability. The people with the trade, knowing such tastes of the customers fluctuate the price of the Kangir. Such price fluctuations are again under the control of changing climates and general local weather conditions. A simple, moderately durable Kangir is within the purchasing capacity of a common man and ranges between ₹100 and 250. Some Kangiris such as ‘Mahrin Kangir’, used in wedding occasions are more expensive for their beautiful ornamentation and better looks and range from ₹800 to 2000.
Kangiri seller in Batmaloo, Srinagar
With the industrial revolution and the advancement in technology the lifestyle of the common masses changed in such a way that the life of the people living even in remote villages became comfortable to live. New gadgets replaced the traditional equipment and many such traditional things became irrelevant and obsolete. There are number of heating appliances being used by the people world-over and Kashmir is no exception. Electric heaters, gas heaters, hot air blowers, central heating systems etc. are being used in common households across the valley. Despite all this the use of Kangir has not diminished in any way. In fact the manufacturing of Kangiris has manifold increased with the passage of time because none of the modern heating appliances could replace this traditional source of heat for its various virtues which the modern appliances usually lack e.g., its portability, affordability, convince of use, non-dependence on electricity etc. The scarcity of water in winter vis-à-vis the less availability of electricity makes Kangir more efficient and readily available source of heating.
The wicker art, pottery and overall Kangir manufacturing has not attained an industrial status in the UT of J&K because of the callus approach from all the governments so far. Till now no concrete step has been taken to establish these arts as cottage industries or small scale industries. It has always been an added disadvantages to the already miserable conditions of the artisans depriving them from the opportunities they could have got if any government or any non-governmental organizations would have stood in their favor. This industry could have flourished well and the families associated with this craft would have been benefited directly and their life status and economy would have been upgraded. Presently, this art gets transcended from generation to generation only but once this art is given a status of an industry, it can flourish so well that it will open new employment opportunities and will not remain confined to a few communities. Its area specificity will be reduced with greater involvement of people that will directly have bearing on the economic condition of the people.
RELIGIOUS AND CULTURAL PERSPECTIVE
Apart from its prime usage, Kangir has a unique cultural and religious importance too. In Kashmir varied faiths of people live together in harmony for having certain common cultural and religious practices wherein the use of Kangir is indispensable. Being one of the important cultural assets, Kangir has attained a high sanctity in most of the cultural festivals celebrated by the people of all faiths.
Hookah has been in use from ancient times in Kashmir and people have been using it irrespective of any religion. The ember of Kangir is being used to burn the wet tobacco using blunt forks (Chumte). Where there is Hookah, there is Kangir as well, as is seen in most of the rural households even during the summers also.
Almost all cultural/social festivals in Kashmir begin with burning of ‘Isband/Vudhe’ (Peganum harmala seeds) similar to lighting of candles in the inaugural functions of events elsewhere. The burning of Isband yields the smoke with a unique aroma having a characteristic fragrance which soothes the mind and soul, believed to repel away the evil and negative energies. Isband is not generally burnt in ordinary ‘Tapan Kangir’ (non-ornamented Kangir used only for heating by the common people) but in special Kangiris; well-ornamented and well decorated called ‘Isband Kangir’ is used for this purpose. Such Kangiris are ordered on demand and costs high. Such practices of burning Isband in specialized Kangiris can be witnessed in common Kashmiri wedding ceremonies irrespective of the religious faiths. The Kashmiri Pandits call it ‘Isband’ and ‘Isband Kangir’ whereas the Kashmir Muslims refer it as ‘Vudhe’ and ‘Vudhe Kangir’.
The religious importance of Kangir is mostly confined to the Kashmiri Pandits who on almost all the occasions use Isband vis-à-vis Kangir. In wedding ceremonies of Pandits, there are many religious events like ‘Devgon’ (the sacred bath and puja before wedding), ‘Lagan’ (the event of marriage with the narration of Vedic hymns) etc. wherein the burning of Isband is mandatory.
Kashmiri Pandit woman burning Isband
Kashmiri Pandits celebrate a festival having both religious and cultural importance known as ‘Shishur’ (the grand invitation to the relatives and friends on Shishur-maas of the first year of the new bride or any new-born in a family). On this occasion a well decorated, colorful Kangir, without coal, having empty Kondal, is kept in front of the bride or the new born in which the invitees are supposed to put money according to their will as a token of love and blessings to the bride in particular and the whole family in general.
On ‘Mekhal/Yagnyopavit’ ceremony (wearing of sacred thread/Janaue with Vedic sermons) of young boys, Kashmiri Pandits again use Isband at its various stages during the entire ceremony.
The Brahmins and Purohits are given Kangir, clothes and other things of use along with the ‘Dakshina’ on almost all the religious occasions. Such things are also offered to the Brahmins on the ‘Kriya Karam’ and death anniversaries.
Burning of Isband in Kangir is also practiced by the people of other religions. Sikhs and Muslims too follow the same tradition on marriages and cultural ceremonies in Kashmir. The use of Isband is also practiced by the people to eradicate the so called evil from the household. It is believed that the evil spirits invading one’s body are swayed away by the aroma of Isband burnt in a Kangir. Such practice is wide spread in the valley.
Muslims also use ‘Vudhe Kangir’ at various occasions like marriage, circumcision, ear piercing of girls etc. Vudhe is burnt at the time of buying cloths for the bride or the groom, at the occasion of starting the ‘Chula’ for preparing the dishes for the wedding ceremony.
‘Mahrin Kangir’, highly ornamented Kangir with pendant rings is given to the bride at the time of her departure from her to the groom’s house as the symbol of care, affection and love. This Kangir is a highly decorated Kangir and generally kept as a memorial for a long period of time. Mahrin Kangir is an expensive Kangir which is prepared only by the expert artisans which needs artistic expertise and great experience. It is not usually available in the market and is ordered months before its actual use.
As a prime cultural aspect every Kashmiri, during winters is found associated with the Kangir all the time with a long cape ‘Pheran’ over it. It is seen as an essential item belonging to every individual from the month of November to April. This period being the idle period, the people of different age groups are seen sitting in separate groups, gossiping about the different issues of social, political, economic and religious importance with soothing warmth of burning ember in their laps during the day time.
The young boys and girls during the harsh winters do remain busy with different type of indoor games that are played while sitting and having Kangir under their Pheran. Such playing groups, cherishing the warmth of Kangir is a very common sight in Kashmir especially in the villages where agricultural practices are totally halted due to sub-zero temperatures in winter.
MEDICAL AND ACCIDENTAL ISSUES
Most of the people in Kashmir better know the perfect use of Kangir and the time duration for using it. Almost every ancient or modern appliance, if operated improperly, can be a bane and Kangir is no exception to it. There are certain medical complications known, caused by the excessive use or imperfect use of Kangir in many people. There is a tolerance limit of skin for the temperature and the direct heat radiations beyond which the skin begins to react unusually giving rise to medical complications including allergies, burns, scars, tanning or some other serious issues.
The duration and intensity of heat plays an important role in causing such skin complications. The Kangir harbours the burning coal and at times emits severe heat beyond ones tolerance and sometimes there is moderate heat but prolonged durations. Both ways the result can be harmful affecting the skin directly, more so in case of people having sensitive skin.
Under prolonged exposers and intense heat the skin, at the points of contact, is adversely affected initiating with the change in skin color from normal to violet and then to red. This is the initial effect which can transform into severe skin burns, damaging the inner layers of the skin and sometimes leading to skin cancer also known as ‘Kangir Cancer’.
Bowen’s disease (Kangir Cancer) (Courtesy: Indian Journal of Dermatology)
As per the medical reports the Kangir-burn cancer is a local disease having a local cause and does not qualify for the general theories of cancer. Usually such burn affected people are locally treated in local hospitals except a very few with extremely severe complications. With the advancement in medical field, there are sufficient facilities in the local hospitals to effectively treat the patients with Kangir-burn cancers by way of surgery as well as medication. Legs, inner thigh muscles or abdomen if exposed to intense and prolonged heat of Kangir may develop the complications of Kangir-burn and skin cancer.
In early times the moderate scars and mild burns were treated locally by applying mustard oil few times a day which usually proved effective in treating such burns. Under extreme situations only the medical aid was sought. Nowadays with the improvement in the economic status, the people have access to better clothing that helps them prevent such complications.
Some more medical complications do result, when low quality of coal is used in the Kangir, emitting harmful fumes. Such fumes are directly inhaled by the user causing bronchial disorders and at times asthma or bronchitis.
Kangir related accidents, though rare, are also reported from different parts of the valley continuously bases. Some among these are actual accidents but others are deliberate attempts to cause harm to other. The local fights, heated arguments and scuffles, at times, result in throwing the loaded Kangir upon one another causing severe burn injuries especially on one’s head. Such incidents may cause face injuries, face burns and even complete blindness. At times, these injuries can prove fatal.
Excessive and callous use of Kangir has proven dangerous and has caused many accidents and even fires damaging properties. People have been using Kangir from early morning to late night in general but some people occasionally use it during the night in their beds. Most of such people hold it well all through the night but there some instances where the people lose the grip of the Kangir while in sleep and its ember gets scattered, burning the bedding and clothes. Such incidents can have huge destructive impacts upon the life and property of the people.
CONCLUSION
Kangir, being a heritage product, has not evolved much and has to a larger extent, retained its original makeup. Despite its historical importance, it is an extremely essential item of continuous and regular usage in Kashmir. Kangir is so familiar product that it can be seen in all the Kashmir households during the winter season. Interestingly, Kangir does not have any gender versions. It is same for all the genders, all the age groups without any religious bias or any social status.
With advanced technologies and scientific revolutions, Kashmir markets, along with the entire world, are flooded with sophisticated heating appliances but none could reduce or fade away the importance and utility of Kangir. The more advantage added to the Kangir is its portability and mobility. The people take it with them at their workplaces or even to the markets under Pheran held by its handles. Having two handles, it becomes convenient for the people to carry it either ways – by left as well as right hand.
It has survived many revolutions since its inception. Since its historical background is not totally evident but there are various evidences which point toward the fact that Kangir would have evolved since ancient times because necessities have always been there at the back of every invention.
The winter in Kashmir is so harsh that Kangir has attained an important status to beat away cold and make the life of a common Kashmiri comfortable. The less availability of electricity and LPG during winter season adds more scope to the Kangir to combat the chill.
Wicker art and pottery being indispensable parts of a Kangir have not still been given the status of an industry but the art is still flourishing in Kashmir for its constant demand in the market. Apart from being the source of heat, Kangir has been providing economic sustenance to a very large group of artisans and many such workers who are associated with this art. It has directly or indirectly raised the living standard of the families of the artisans spread across the valley, mostly in the remote rural areas. Further, the Kangir has been an item of great fascination for the visitors who usually travel to Kashmir during winter season. The tourists are so enthusiastic about Kangir that they usually buy it from market and take it along as a token of memory.
Irrespective of religion and social status, the Kangir is being used in almost all the religious festivals to burn the seeds of Isbandto emit the aroma, thought to be scared, soothing, destroying the evil forces and neutralizing the negative energies around the place. The use of Kangir is more prevalent in the religious festivals of Kashmiri Pandits who usually treat the fire as a sacred entity. However, the burning of Isband in Kangir on cultural festivals is practiced by almost all the people belonging to all religious sects.
Despite having immense advantages, Kangir has posed some accidental as well as medical complicacies. Kangir burn is one of the main curses of this product. It is caused by continuous and prolonged use of Kangir with high calorific value coal. Mild and average heating varieties of coal used in Kangir do not pose any such threat. If mishandled, Kangir can lead to huge, disastrous fire incidents and can cause loss of life and property. Many a times, we have been the prime witness to such incidents.
We can infer that Kangir, to a very large extent, is a boon the humankind in Kashmir if handled properly with care. It has proven to be an unsubstituted tool used for the abatement of chill in the valley of Kashmir. Its origin, raw materials and artisans are all indigenous. It is an ancient cultural heritage that has remained almost unaltered since its inception.
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All photographs by Akhshar Koul (unless otherwise stated).
