Kashmir, Shinya Fujiwara, 1978

Kashmir
Shinya Fujiwara
Translated by Margaret F.Breer
This Beautiful World Vol. 60
Kodansha International Ltd., 1978

Shinya Fujiwara arrives in Srinagar at night through road. Tired he decides to sleep late into the morning and explore the ‘Emerald City’ of Srinagar after lunch. He goes to sleep. He awakes to the sound of someone singing. He checks his watch, it says 5:00 A.M. He looks out the window and sees few stars twinkling in western sky and hears birds chirping. He thinks he has woken up in evening and missed an entire day. He is about to jump out of bed but just then again he hears the strange singing.

“These words were sung by a strong quivering masculine voice and sounded strange to my ears, the ears of a foreigner. But the spiritual intonation might cause one to feel that long ago, when still in the womb, one heard these sounds together with the mother’s heart beat.”

He was hearing Azan for the first time in life.

After a few days in the city Shinya, the Japanese photographer,  noticed a phenomena typical to Srinagar city. The second Azan.

“Hearing this second song after Azan always cheered me. It came from the stray dogs which roam this emerald city. Even thee dogs must have felt the force of the morning prayer for they seemed to be singing the Azan. The first few times I heard this far away howling, i did not know what it was. By the third or fourth day, however, I was sure that the dogs were calling in response to the people. It then seemed rather comical, and as I lay in bed I could hardly contain my laughter. Yet listening to this wordless song day after day, it began to sound just as devout a prayer as the real Azan and I was moved almost to tears. I should probably not even have written about being impressed by the distant howling of stray dogs, yet any tourist in kashmir who fancies the unusual should listen for this wordless Azan. It made me vividly aware that religion in Kashmir governs not only man, but all living creatures right down to the smallest insect.”

This is one of the most subtlety humorous ‘Guide Book’ I have read about Kashmir. Later in the book when he compliments a man for his devotion to religion, he is reprimanded and told, ‘I am not the only one who is religious. Here in Kashmir, everyone gets up early. While the Azan is recited, many people are in the temples saying their prayers. We believe that anyone who stays in bed when he hears Azan will receive only half the profit of Allah’s blessings.’

In addition to some beautiful photographs, this slim little book also offers some useful tips to the travellers  besides listing and describing the ‘must sees’ (although the history of the places is a bit breezy, bit wrong, but yes interesting for tourists ). Every chapter starts a some neat drawings of oriental designs giving the book a feel like you are reading one of those old English travelogues.

The only problem with a book is problem that books with great photographs often suffer: sometime great photographs are slip over two pages. Who likes that?

In between pages, the subtle funnies just keep rolling. When Shinya is tired of all the salesmen chasing him in the streets and on the waters of Dal for buying one or another thing, he decides to employ a trick to avoid unwanted attention. He change his look. He goes about the city unkempt and wearing worn out cloth. Of course, everyone starts ignoring him. He roams the city unattended. But this also upsets him, he misses the nagging calls of the infamous Kashmir salesmen. He even comes to like them. This is a book of simple pleasures that gives a glimpse of simple pleasures that Kashmir could offer travellers.

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Some more photographs from the book:

In his photographs Shinya inadvertently also captured a phenomena that doesn’t exist in Srinagar anymore. A Kashmiri Pandit wedding. Although the book makes no special note of it, in the photograph we can see the the ‘groom’s welcome song’ being sung by women who were muslim neighbours  An old Kashmiri tradition.

Also, it is interesting to note that the composition of a basic Kashmiri Pandit plate for the wedding day hasn’t changed much, there is: Hakh, Razma, Dam Aloo, Tchaman (in the pic probably served by someone from a bucket), Nadur Ya’khin, Palak, Aulav Churm’e and Muj Cha’tin.

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Lal Ded’s Shaitan Shiva

A wall art I came across in Kochi, Kerala.
Artist(right): Jameel
February, 2013

March, 2013

Chitralekha Zutshi in her book ‘Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir’ (2004) tried to approach the question of Kashmiri identity by interpreting its language. An interesting approach for which she used some hitherto unavailable poem manuscripts.

A particular passage made me curious:

The reason Lal Ded’s poetry is so essential for votaries of Kashmiriyat is self-evident from an examination of her verses. These are suffused with a sense of the fluidity of religious boundaries, and this has been interpreted as a manifestation of the Kashmiri ethos of tolerance. In the following verse, for instance, she seems unable to decide between
being a follower of Allah or of Shiva:  

I said la illah il Allah
I destroyed my Self in it
I left my own entity and caught him who is all-encompassing
Lalla then found God
I went to look for Shiva
I saw Shiva and Shaitan (devil) together
Then I saw the devil on the stage
I was surprised at that moment
I adore Shiva and Shiva’s house
When I die, what then?

The book gives the source of the poem as: Hafiz Mohammad Inayatullah, Lalla Arifa barzabane Kashmiri [Lalla Arifa in Kashmiri] (Lahore: Din Mohammad Electric Press, undated), 14-15.

Although the author presents those intriguing lines (albeit without original ) and its alluring imagery as a product of Lal Ded’s inner dilemma at choosing one among Allah or Shiva, the text in fact begs another line of enquiry.

Romila Thapar in her classic work ‘Early India: From the Origins to Ad 1300’  makes a piquant observation: “A fundamental sanity in Indian civilization has been due to an absence of Satan.” Keeping that obvious and basic theological fact in mind, the question is: How could Lal Ded even imagine Shaitan/ Devil/Satan in 14 century A.D. when Islam was only arriving in Kashmir? When its language was still incomprehensible to most people. If she imagined Devil, what did she see? What could be the iconography of Kashmiri Devil? Borrowed from Islamic iconography? Remembering that Kashmiri, as it is now spoken, only bloomed with Lal Ded’s utterings, what word could she have originally used for Shaitan? Somehow, it is all difficult to imagine. Can these be lines be even be attributed to Lal Ded?
There is another way to look at Lal Ded or rather looking at words of Lal Ded: looking at how its listeners consumed them. The saying of Lal Ded come from a oral tradition, they reached to us in written form much later. They were written in an age when the iconography and vocabulary of Shaitan was totally comprehensible for the writer and for the reader. In that age, a lot of oral bits got attributed to either Lal Ded or to Nund Rishi. A lot was appended and a lot deducted based on who was documenting. A time when Ded became Arifa for some readers. And in these evolving texts the reader can now looks for manifestation of the evolving Kashmiri ethos. The reader can observe a synthesis of texts, theologies and cultures, a synthesis spread over centuries and not beginning at a particular icon.

[update: June 2016. As suspected. The lines are of later date.]

The lines “Lal be drayas Shavas garaan, shav ti shiatan wuchum ek hi shay” in fact come from poet Samad Mir (1894-1959) singing “Praraan Praraan Tarawati” which starts with a dialogue from Lal Ded.

Listen the rendition of Tarawati by Ghulam Ahmed Sofi here [1:30]

Lines occur as:

Lal bo draaya Shiv gaar.ney,
Shiv te Shaitan wuchum aksey shai
[subsequent lines vary from Inayatullah lines]
balki shaitain pyeth me yem baras
tan lal chas haeraan



I went to look for Shiva
I saw Shiva and Devil together
I believed in devil
I am still surprised.

Update: 5th Feb 2017

Samad Mir’s grandson clarified using the manuscript of the song that the lines are not by Samad Mir. It’s just that the singer is starting the song, as usual is the case in Kashmir, with a few lines from Lal Ded.

Update: 15th Feb 2017

The lines “Lal be drayas Shavas garaan” are remembered by pandits by too. In the pandit rendition the first two lines are:

Lal bo draaya Shiv gaar.ney,
wuchum Shiv te Shakti akey shai,
Shakti wuchum paeth sahas’raras,
Maa’raan ga’yas ta’mey gra’ye;
Bo paer Shivas te tasen dis garas,
Bo lall ma’ras mye karyam kyah

I went to look for Shiva
I saw Shiva and Shakti together
Shakti seated in matted crown of Shiva’s head
I was surprised at that moment
I adore Shiva and Shiva’s house
If I die, so what?

The lines are given “Voice of Experience: Lall Vaakh of Lal Ded” (1999) by B.N. Sopory. Quoted in “Lal Ded: revisited” (2014) by J. L. Bhat. These lines are closest to the lines quoted in “Lalla Arifa barzabane Kashmiri”

So, it seems there are three variation of this Kashmiri saying.

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Unrelated post: Kashmiriyat in Codex

Ghat/Yarbal, 1957

While in some parts of India there are still issues like which caste can claim upstream and which caste can claim downstream of a river, the below image captures how Kashmiris, Muslims and Hindus (two women on right are Pandit) were sharing a river, probably without even realizing the significance of it.

‘Jhelum Ghat Scene’ by Brian Brake, 1957

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Won’t you come to the Yarbal dear?
I would wash your footlings;
My wounds are unhealed –
Come my Love.

~ Mahmud Gami (1750- 1855)

Shah Hamadan/Kali Mandar, 1957

There are some photographs in Brian Brake’s 1957 Kashmir collection that I feel deserve individual attention.  This one because comparatively Babri and Hydrabad are simple.

The thought occurred to me a few years ago when I showed a few images on this blog to my Nani. Among these images was an old photograph of Mosque of Shah Hamadan and just for the fun of it I quizzed her if she knew which place it was.

From ‘The northern barrier of India: A popular account of the Jummoo and Kashmir territories’ (1877) by Frederic Drew
From ‘Pictorial tour round India’ (1906) by John Murdoch (1819-1904). 

Her answer was quick. With hands held in a namaskar she said, ‘ Kali Mandar’.

I knew the history of this place, both the oral and the written one, about the fights, about how this spot stood for both a mosque and a temple and probably a Buddhist shrine too, but this knowledge didn’t make me realize what this place would have meant for people who lived in Srinagar during a particular era. Most of the old western travelogues I read simply referred to it as the Mosque of Shah Hamadan. Discussed it’s architecture and importance is discussed. In one book, ‘Houseboating in Kashmir’ (1934), an angrez woman, Alberta Johnston Denis, probably finding ‘men only’ policy of the shrine incomprehensible wrote:

Shah Hamadan was holy, according to the Mohammedans of Kashmir; but whatever he may actually have been, in their loyalty to him, at least, they were intolerant. To this day, this is evidenced in the inscription, elaborately carved on the verandah over the entrance, which, translated, reads: “This is the tomb of Shah Hamadan, who was a great saint of God. Whoever does not believe this, may his eyes be blinded and if he still does not believe it, may he go to Hell.” 

In one of these books, I did read about Pandits who while going about their daily business, would pass along this place, stop at a particular spot where water could be seen oozing out and bow down and wash their hands and face. The pull of a hidden holy spring. A spring of strange stories, stories of Kali Nag, an ancient spring, that apparently sprang up just at the moment when Ram killed Ravan, a spring that kids are told holds broken bits of ancient sculptures, a dark spring they say turns you blind if you look into it. Stories of flying chappals and falling gods.

An interesting account on birth and survival of the spot is given by Pandit Anand Koul in his book ‘Archaeological Remains In Kashmir’ (1935):

Going up by boat, one’s attention is arrested farther on by a large building on the right bank between the 3rd and the 4th Bridges, which is called Shah-i-Hamamdan.
There is on this spot a spring, sacred to Kali. There was a Hindu temple over it which was built by Pravarasena II (110-70 A.D.) and was called Kali-Shri. The Mahall, in which it was situated, is still called Kalashpur, a corruption of Kali-Shri-pur. This temple was destroyed by Sultan Qutb-ud-Din (1373-94 A.D.) and, with its materials, he built a khanaqah. The later got burnt down twice and was rebuilt.
Soon after the conquest of Kashmir by Sikhs (1819) the Sikh Governor, Sardar Hari Singh, ordered the demolition of the mosque, saying that as it was a Hindu shrine, the Muhammadans should give up their possession of it. He deputed a military officer, named Phula Singh, with guns which were levelled towards the mosque from the Pathar Masjid Ghat, and everything was ready to blow it away. The Muhammadans then went to Pandit Bir Bal Dhar [a hero, a villian based on which Kashmir narrative you hold dear] who, having brought the Sikhs into Kashmir, was in great power, and requested him to intervene and save the mosque. He at once went to the Governor and told him that the Hindu shrine, though in the Muhammadans, was in a most protected condition and the removal of the mosque would be undersirable as it would simply lay it open to constant pollution by all sorts of people. There upon Sardar Hari Singh desisted from knocking it down.
On the wall fronting the river the Hindus have put a large ochre mark, and worship the goddess Kali there. 

The spot captured by Brian Brake in around 1957. A spot that is now claimed and hidden by a tree gone wild. Claimed by a grayness that now fills the recent photographs of Kashmir. A place very simply once claimed in speeches made in Indian parliament floor as proof of syncretic culture of Kashmir.

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Rama, Rama recited Shekh Sana



Rama Rama paryav Shekh Sanahantay
henzimokha lob tami yar
but polun Koran zoluntay
vantay lo hay lo

~ Poet, Blacksmith Wahab Khar, (b. 1842).

J.L. Kaul in his book ‘Kashmiri Lyrics’ (1945), translates the lines as:

Shekh Sana recited the name of Rama,
And in an Indian girl he found his Love,
He worshipped an idol and burnt the Koran.
Sing hey ho for joy!

Who was this Shekh Sana? Why is the translation peppered with geography? The book offers no details. Well,  that’s not enough for me.

First, this is how I read it:

Rama, Rama
recited Shekh Sana
when
in face of a girl
he found love
He raised an idol
and burnt Koran
O, sing this song!

One would read these lines now and think reference to Koran burning, by a Muslim, is what stands out about these line. But actually what is happening in these lines is really beautiful.

Shekh Sana of these lines is (also) the hero of an Azerbaijanian qissa of Sheikh Sanan,* the man who fell fatally in love with a Georgian-Christian girl, Khumar. In this love story, Khumar’s father agrees to give his daughter to Sanan if he agrees to raise pigs and burn Koran. Sanan agrees, and yet the lovers die, pointing out the fallacy of all religions. Now, the beauty. Later, when this tragedy is transported by Wahab Khar to Kashmir, the poet has the hero recite name of Hindu god Rama and raise idols. Still later, when the same Kashmiri lines are later translated in English by a Pandit, the heroine becomes an Indian. Still much later, when I read those Kashmiri lines and translations, I have to spend hours just to get the context.
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Update:
There is a alternative Kashmiri version in Shekh Sana of Mahmud Gami (1750-1855). In this version Shekh has a reawakening of  faith after an intervention by his friends and followers. In the end, the woman breaks her idols and accepts Islam.

The dame in clear submission
Gave up her pride and low passion.
The Sheikh then taught her the lessons of his creed,
And made her the “Kalima” of unity read.

[Tr. by Gulshan Majid, Medieval Indian literature: An Anthology Volume 2, Edited by K. Ayyappa Paniker]

It seems such creative interventions in folklores were not a exception around that time but a trend. In an alternative version of popular Kashmiri folktale of Heemaal Naagiraay put to Kashmiri masanavi form by Wali Ullah Motoo (d 1858), a contemporary of Mahmood Gami, Naagiraay is presented as a Muslim disguised as a Kafir, a Hindu. In this version after Heemaal and Naagiraay burn to ashes, a fakir from Madina restores the two bodies from ashes and then the bodies are buried according to Muslim ritual.

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*Update:
In his biographical piece on life and work of Mahmud Gami, Muzaffar Aazim mentions that Gami’s Shekh Sana was based on a plot from a Persian work by Sheikh Attar (145-1146 – c. 1221) titled Manteq-ut-Tair [The conference of the bird, a Sufi allegory in which a pack of birds go looking for the mystical Simurgh]. This is the original source of the love story of Shekh Sana and Khumar. In this work the woman was a sun-worshiper and in Gami’s Kashmiri version the girl is a Hindu with a tilak on her face when Shekh Sana first sees her and falls in love.

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